The discovery of nouns
2. Classification of nouns in
3. Nouns and pronouns
Semantic vs. grammatical
1. Number in specific languages
2. Obligatoriness of number
3. Number agreement
4. Types of number
The discovery of nouns
The word "noun" comes from the latin nomen meaning "name." Word classes like nouns were first
described by Sanskrit grammarian Pāṇini and ancient Greeks
like Dionysios Thrax, and
defined in terms of their morphological
properties. For example, in Ancient Greek, nouns can be inflected for grammatical case, such
as dative or accusative. Verbs, on the other hand, can be inflected for tenses, such as past,
present or future, while nouns cannot. Aristotle also had a
notion of onomata (nouns) and rhemata (verbs) which, however, does not exactly
correspond our notions of verbs and nouns. In her dissertation, Vinokurova has
a more detailed discussion of the historical origin of the notion of a noun.
Different definitions of
Expressions of natural
language will have properties at different levels. They have formal properties,
like what kinds of morphological
prefixes or suffixes they can
take, and what kinds of other expressions they can combine with. but they also
have semantic properties,
i.e. properties pertaining to their meaning. The definition of nouns on the top
of this page is thus a formal definition. That definition is uncontroversial,
and has the advantage that it allows us to effectively distinguish nouns from
non-nouns. However, it has the disadvandage that it does not apply to nouns in
all languages. For example in Russian, there are no
definite articles, so one cannot define nouns by means of those. There are also
several attempts of defining nouns in terms of their semantic properties.
Many of these are controversial, but some are discussed below.
Names for things
In traditional school grammars, one often encounters the
definition of nouns that they are all and only those expressions that refer to
a person, place, thing, event, substance, quality, or idea, etc. This is a
semantic definition. It has been criticized by contemporary linguists as being
quite uninformative. Part of the problem is that the definition makes use of
relatively general nouns ("thing," "phenomenon,"
"event") to define what nouns are. The existence of such general
nouns shows us that nouns are organized in taxonomic hierarchies.
But other kinds of expressions are also organized in hierarchies. For example
all of the verbs "stroll," "saunter," "stride,"
and "tread" are more specific words than the more general
"walk." The latter is more specific than the verb "move."
But it is unlikely that such hierarchies can be used to define nouns and verbs.
Furthermore, an influential theory has it that verbs like "kill" or
"die" refer to events, and so they fall under the definition.
Similarly, adjectives like "yellow" or "difficult" might be
thought to refer to qualities, and adverbs like "outside" or
"upstairs" seem to refer to places. Worse still, a trip into the
woods can be referred to by the verbs "stroll" or "walk."
But verbs, adjectives and adverbs are not nouns, and nouns aren't verbs. So the
definition is not particularly helpful in distinguishing nouns from other parts
Another semantic definition of nouns is that they are
prototypically referential. That definition is
also not very helpful in distinguishing actual nouns from verbs. But it may
still correctly identify a core property of nounhood. For example, we will tend
to use nouns like "fool" and "car" when we wish to refer to
fools and cars, respectively. The notion that this is prototypocal reflects the
fact that such nouns can be used, even though nothing with the corresponding
property is referred to:
John is no fool.
If I had a car, I'd go to Marakech.
The first sentence above doesn't refer to any fools, nor
does the second one refer to any particular car.
Predicates with identity
The British logician Peter Thomas Geach proposed a very
subtle semantic definition of nouns. He noticed that adjectives like
"same" can modify nouns, but no other kinds of parts of speech, like
verbs or adjectives. Not only that, but there also doesn't seem to exist any other
expressions with similar meaning that can modify verbs and adjectives. Consider
the following examples.
Good: John and Bill participated in the same fight.
Bad: *John and Bill samely fought.
There is no English adverb "samely." In some other
languages, like Czech, however there are adverbs corresponding to
"samely." Hence, in Czech, the translation of the last sentence would
be fine; however, it would mean that John and Bill fought in the same way:
not that they participated in the same fight. Geach proposed that we
could explain this, if nouns denote logical predicate with identity criteria.
An identity criterion would allow us to conclude, for example, that
"person x at time 1 is the same person as person y at time 2."
Different nouns can have different identity criteria. A well known example of
this is due to Gupta:
National Airlines transported 2 million passengers in 1979.
National Airlines transported (at least) 2 million persons in
Given that, in general, all passengers are persons, the last
sentence above ought to follow logically from the first one. But it doesn't. It
is easy to imagine, for example, that on average, every person who travelled
with National Airlines in 1979, travelled with them twice. In that case, one
would say that the airline transported 2 million passengers but only 1
million persons. Thus, the way that we count passengers isn't
necessarily the same as the way that we count persons. Put somewhat
differently: At two different times, you may correspond to two distinct passengers,
even though you are one and the same person. For a precise definition of identity
criteria, see Gupta.
Recently, the linguist Mark Baker has proposed that Geach's
definition of nouns in terms of identity criteria allows us to explain
the characteristic properties of nouns. He argues that nouns can co-occur with
(in-)definite articles and numerals, and are "prototypically
referential" because they are all and only those parts of speech
that provide identity criteria. Baker's proposals are quite new, and linguists
are still evaluating them.
Classification of nouns in English
Proper nouns and common nouns
Proper nouns (also called proper names) are the
names of unique entities. For example, "Janet", "Jupiter"
and "Germany" are proper nouns. Proper nouns are usually capitalized in English and most other
languages that use the Latin alphabet,
and this is one easy way to recognise them. However, in German nouns of all
types are capitalized. The convention of capitalizing all nouns was previously
used in English, but has long fallen into disuse.
All other nouns are called common nouns. For example,
"girl", "planet", and "country" are common nouns.
Sometimes the same word can function as both a common noun
and a proper noun, where one such entity is special. For example: "There
can be many gods, but there is
only one God." This is
somewhat magnified in Hebrew
where EL means god (as in a god), God (as in the God), and El (the name of a particular Canaanite god).
The common meaning of the word or words constituting a
proper noun may be unrelated to the object to which the proper noun refers. For
example, someone might be named "Tiger Smith" despite being neither a
tiger nor a smith. For this
reason, proper nouns are usually not translated between
languages, although they may be transliterated. For
example, the German surname Knödel becomes Knodel or Knoedel in English
(not the literal Dumpling). However, the translation of placenames and the
names of monarchs, popes, and non-contemporary authors is common and
sometimes universal. For instance, the Portuguese word Lisboa
becomes Lisbon in English; the English
London becomes Londres in French; and the Greek Aristotelēs
becomes Aristotle in English.
Count nouns and mass nouns
Count nouns (or countable nouns)
are common nouns that can take a plural, can combine with numerals or
quantifiers (e.g. "one", "two", "several",
"every", "most"), and can take an indefinite article
("a" or "an"). Examples of count nouns are
"chair", "nose", and "occasion".
Mass nouns (or non-countable nouns)
differ from count nouns in precisely that respect: they can't take plural or
combine with number words or quantifiers. Examples from English include
"laughter", "cutlery", "helium", and
"furniture". For example, it is not possible to refer to "a
furniture" or "three furnitures". This is true, even though the
furniture referred to could, in principle, be counted. Thus the distinction
between mass and count nouns shouldn't be made in terms of what sorts of things
the nouns refer to, but rather in terms of how the nouns present
these entities. The separate page for mass noun contains further explanation of
Some words function in the singular as a count noun and,
without a change in the spelling, as a mass noun in the plural: she caught a fish,
we caught fish; he shot a deer, they shot some deer; the craft
was dilapidated, the pier was chockablock with craft.
Collective nouns are nouns that refer to groups consisting
of more than one individual or entity, even when they are inflected for the singular. Examples include
"committee," "herd" and "school" (of herring).
These nouns have slightly different grammatical properties than other nouns.
For example, the noun phrases
that they head can serve of the subject of a
collective predicate, even when they are inflected for the singular. A
collective predicate is a predicate that normally can't take a singular
subject. An example of the latter is "surround the house."
Good: The boys surrounded the house.
Bad: *The boy surrounded the house.
Good: The committee surrounded the house.
Concrete nouns and abstract nouns
Concrete nouns refer to definite objects—objects in which
you use at least one of your senses.
For instance, "chair", "apple", or "Janet".
Abstract nouns on the other hand refer to ideas or concepts, such as
"justice" or "hate". While this distinction is sometimes useful,
the boundary between the two of them is not always clear. In English, many
abstract nouns are formed by adding noun-forming suffixes ("-ness",
"-ity", "-tion") to adjectives or verbs. Examples are
"happiness", "circulation" and "serenity".
Nouns and pronouns
can be replaced by pronouns, such as
"he", "it", "which", and "those", in
order to avoid repetition or explicit identification, or for other reasons. For
example, in the sentence "Janet thought that he was weird", the word
"he" is a pronoun standing in place of the name of the person in
question. The English word one can replace parts of noun phrases, and it
sometimes stands in for a noun. An example is given below:
John's car is newer than the one that Bill has.
But one can also stand in for bigger subparts of a noun
phrase. For example, in the following example, one can stand in for new car.
This new car is cheaper than that one.
CHAIR PAPER BOOK CAKE DRINK CANDY CAKE FUDGE SISSORS KEY
BOARD SPEAKERS CAR BIKE PENCIL PEN
In linguistics, grammatical number is a morphological
category characterized by the expression of quantity through
inflection or agreement. As an example, consider the English sentences below:
That apple on the table is fresh.
Those two apples on the table are fresh.
The number of apples is marked on the noun —
"apple", singular number (one item) vs. "apples", plural
number (more than one item) — , on the demonstrative, "that/those",
and on the verb, "is/are". Note that, especially in the second
sentence, this information can be considered redundant, since
quantity is already indicated by the numeral "two".
A language has grammatical number when its nouns are
subdivided into morphological
classes according to the quantity they express, such that:
belongs to a single number class. (Number partitions nouns into disjoint
(such as adjectives) and verbs
have different forms for each number class, and must be inflected to match the
number of the nouns they refer to. (Number is an agreement category.)
This is the case in English: every noun is either singular
or plural (a few, such as "fish", can be either, according to
context), and at least some modifiers of nouns — namely the demonstratives, the personal pronouns, the
articles, and verbs — are inflected to agree with the number
of the nouns they refer to: "this car" and "these cars" are
correct, while "*this cars" or "*these car" are
Not all languages have number as a grammatical category. In
those that do not, quantity must be expressed either directly, with numerals, or
indirectly, through optional quantifiers. However,
many of these languages compensate for the lack of grammatical number with an
extensive system of measure words.
The word "number" is also used in linguistics to
describe the distinction between certain grammatical aspects that indicate the
number of times an event occurs, such as the semelfactive aspect, the iterative
aspect, etc. For that use of the term, see "Grammatical aspect".
Semantic vs. grammatical number
All languages are able to specify the quantity of referents.
They may do so by lexical means with words such as English a few, some,
one, two, five hundred. However, not every language has a
grammatical category of number. Grammatical number is expressed by
morphological and/or syntactic means. That is, it is indicated by certain
grammatical elements, such as through affixes or number words. Grammatical number
may be thought of as the indication of semantic number through grammar.
Languages that express quantity only by lexical means lack a
grammatical category of number. For instance, in Khmer, neither nouns nor verbs
carry any grammatical information concerning number: such information can only
be conveyed by lexical items such as khlah 'some', pii-bey 'a few',
and so on.
Most languages of the world have formal means to express
differences of number. The most widespread distinction, as found in English and
many other languages, involves a simple two-way number contrast between
singular and plural (car / cars; child / children,
etc.). Other more elaborate systems of number are described below.
Number in specific languages
English is typical of most world languages, in
distinguishing only between singular and plural number. The plural form of a
word is usually created by adding the suffix -(e)s. Common exceptions
include the pronouns, which have irregular plurals, as in I versus we,
because they are ancient and frequently used words.
In its written form, French declines nouns for number
(singular or plural). In speech, however, the majority of nouns (and
adjectives) are not actually declined for number. This is because the typical
plural suffix -s, is silent, and thus does not really indicate a change
in pronunciation; the plural article or determiner is the real indicator of
plurality (but see Liaison (French) for a common exception). However,
plural number still exists in spoken French because a significant percentage of
irregular plurals differ from the singular in pronunciation; for example, cheval
"horse" is pronounced [ʃəval], while
chevaux "horses" is pronounced [ʃəvo].
In Hebrew, most nouns have only singular and plural forms,
such as sefer/sfarim "book/books", but some have singular,
plural, and dual forms, such as yom/yomaim/yamim "day/two days/[two
or more] days". Some words occur so often in pairs that what used to be
the dual form is now the general plural, such as ayin/eynayim
"eye/eyes", used even in a sentence like, "The spider has eight
eyes." Adjectives, verbs, and pronouns have only singular and plural, with
the plural forms of these being used with dual nouns.
Obligatoriness of number marking
In many languages, such as English, number is obligatorily
expressed in every grammatical context; in other languages, however, number expression
is limited to certain classes of nouns, such as animates or
referentially prominent nouns (as with proximate forms in most Algonquian languages,
opposed to referentially less prominent obviative forms).
A very common situation is for plural number to not be
marked if there is any other overt indication of number, as for example in Hungarian: virág
"flower"; virágok "flowers"; hat virág
In many languages, verbs are conjugated for number.
Using French as an example, one says je vois (I see), but nous voyons (we see).
The verb voir (to see) changes from vois in the first person singular to voyons
in the plural. In everyday English, this often happens in the third person (she
sees, they see), but not in other grammatical persons, except with the verb to
Agreement in other lexical items
often agree with the number of the noun they modify. For example, in French, one says un
grand arbre [œ̃ gʀɑ̃t
"a tall tree", but deux grands arbres [dø gʀɑ̃z
"two tall trees". The singular adjective grand becomes grands in the
plural, unlike English "tall", which remains unchanged.
Other determiners may agree
with number. In English, the demonstratives
"this", "that" change to "these",
"those" in the plural, and the indefinite article
"a", "an" is either omitted or changes to "some".
In French and German, the definite articles have
gender distinctions in
the singular but not the plural. In Spanish and Portuguese, both definite and
indefinite articles are inflected for gender and number, e.g. Portuguese o, a
"the" (singular, masc./fem.), os, as "the" (plural,
masc./fem.); um, uma "a(n)" (singular, masc./fem.), uns, umas
"some" (plural, masc./fem.)
In the Finnish sentence Yöt
ovat pimeitä "Nights are dark", each word referring to the
plural noun yöt "nights" ("night" = yö) is pluralized
(night-PL is-PL dark-PL-partitive).
Sometimes, grammatical number will not represent the actual
quantity. For example, in Ancient Greek neuter plurals took a singular verb.
The plural form of a pronoun may also be applied to a single individual as a
sign of importance, respect or generality, as in the pluralis majestatis,
the T-V distinction, and the generic "you", found in many languages,
or, in English, when using the singular "they" for gender-neutrality.
A collective noun is a word that designates a group of
objects or beings regarded as a whole, such as "flock",
"team", or "corporation". Although many languages treat
collective nouns as singular, in others they may be interpreted as plural. In
British English, phrases such as the committee are meeting are common
(the so-called agreement in sensu "in meaning", that is, with
the meaning of a noun, rather than with its form). The use of this type of
construction varies with dialect and level of formality.
Collective versus singulative
Some languages differentiate between a basic form, the
collective, which is indifferent in respect to number, and a more complicated
derived form for single entities, the singulative, for example Japanese and some Brythonic languages. A
rough example in English is "snowflake", which may be considered a
singulative form of "snow" (although English has no productive process of
forming singulative nouns, and no singulative modifiers). In other
languages, singulatives can be productively formed from collective nouns; e.g.
حجر ḥajar "stone" →
حجرة ḥajarā "(individual)
stone", بقر baqar "cattle" →
بقرة baqarā "(single) cow"
The distinction between a "singular" number (one)
and a "plural" number (more than one) found in English is not the
only possible classification. Another one is "singular" (one),
"dual" (two) and "plural" (more than two). Dual number
existed in Proto-Indo-European,
persisted in many of the now extinct ancient Indo-European languages
that descended from it—Sanskrit,
Ancient Greek and Gothic for example—and
can still be found in a few modern Indo-European languages such as Icelandic and Slovene language. Many
more modern Indo-European languages show residual traces of the dual, as in the
both versus all and better versus best.
languages also have dual number.
The trial number is a grammatical number referring to 'three
items', in contrast to 'singular' (one item), 'dual' (two items), and 'plural'
(four or more items). Tolomako,
Lihir and Tok Pisin (though only
in its pronouns) have trial number.
There is a hierarchy between number categories: No language
distinguishes a trial unless having a dual, and no language has dual without a
plural (Greenberg 1972).
Some languages, such as Latvian, have a nullar
form, used for nouns that refer to zero items. Other languages use either the
singular or the plural form for zero. English, along with the other Germanic languages and
most Romance languages,
uses the plural. French
normally uses the singular, instead.
Distributive plural number, for many instances viewed as
independent individuals (e.g. in Navajo).
In most languages, the singular is formally unmarked,
whereas the plural is marked in some way. Other languages, most notably the
Bantu languages, mark both the singular and the plural, for instance Swahili
(see example above). The third logical possibility, rarely found in languages,
is unmarked plural contrasting with marked singular.
Elements marking number may appear on nouns and pronouns in
dependent-marking languages or on verbs and adjectives in head-marking
Paul is teaching the cowboy.
Paul idilohí yiłch’ígó’aah.
Paul is teaching the cowboys.
Paul idilohí yiłch’ídagó’aah.
In the English sentence above, the plural suffix -s
is added to the noun cowboy. In the Western Apache, a head-marking
language, equivalent, a plural prefix da- is added to the verb yiłch’ígó’aah
"he is teaching him", resulting in yiłch’ídagó’aah
"he is teaching them" while noun idilohí
"cowboy" is unmarked for number.
Plurality is sometimes marked by a specialized number
particle (or number word). This is frequent in Australian and Austronesian
languages. An example from Tagalog is the word mga: compare bahay
"house" with mga bahay "houses". In Kapampangan,
certain nouns optionally denote plurality by secondary stress: ing laláki
"man" and ing babái "woman" become ding láláki
"men" and ding bábái "women".
We have investigated the
noun, the main part of speech in English grammar. We chose the noun as the
theme of our course work because we interested in it. We used different kind of
references to investigate the noun. Nouns can be classified further as count
nouns, which name anything that can be counted (four books, two continents, a
few dishes, a dozen buildings); mass nouns (or non-count nouns), which name
something that can't be counted (water, air, energy, blood); and collective
nouns, which can take a singular form but are composed of more than one
individual person or items (jury, team, class, committee, herd). We should note
that some words can be either a count noun or a non-count noun depending on how
they're being used in a sentence. Whether or not a noun is uncountable is
determined by its meaning: an uncountable noun represents something which tends
to be viewed as a whole or as a single entity, rather than as one of a number
of items which can be counted as individual units. Singular verb forms are used
with uncountable nouns. Uncountable nouns are substances, concepts etc that we
cannot divide into separate elements. We cannot "count" them. For example,
we cannot count "milk". We can count "bottles of milk" or
"litres of milk", but we cannot count "milk" itself. We usually treat uncountable nouns as singular. We use a
singular verb. Countable nouns are easy to recognize. They are things that we
can count. For example: "pen". We can count pens. We can have one,
two, three or more pens. We cannot
say that it is finished investigation of this theme, because we are going to
continue its investigation in our diploma work.
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