The Comparative Analysis of the Functioning of Interjections in the English and Spanish Languages
Министерство образования и науки
Российской Федерации
Федеральное государственное бюджетное
образовательное учреждение
высшего профессионального образования
«Московский государственный
лингвистический университет»
Факультет гуманитарных и прикладных
наук
Кафедра грамматики и истории
английского языка
ДИПЛОМНАЯ РАБОТА
на тему
Сравнительный анализ функционирования
междометий в английском и испанском языках
по специальности 031201 «Теория и
методика преподавания иностранных языков и культур»
Автор: Миронова
Анна Юрьевна группа 0-10-9
Научный
руководитель:
Мачина Ольга
Аркадьевна канд. филол. наук, доцент кафедры грамматики и истории англ. яз.
Москва, 2014
MOSCOW STATE LINGUISTIC
UNIVERSITYof humanities and applied sciences
Department
of Grammar and History of the English Language
PAPERComparative
Analysis of the Functioning of Interjections in the English and Spanish
Languages
Student: Mironova A. Y.0-10-9Supervisor:O.A., Ph.D.,professor
of the department of Grammar and History of the English Language:E.E., Ph.D.
,of the department of Lexicology of the English Languageof the Department:.
Sorokina T.S., Ph.D.
Moscow, 2014
СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
Введение
Глава I.
Междометия в языке и в речи
.Сущность и определение междометия
. Классификация междометий
. Функции междометий
.1 Эмотивная функция
.2 Дискурсивные функции
. Заимствование междометий
Глава II.
Функционирование междометий в испанском и английском устном дискурсе
. Абсолютная и относительная частотность междометий в испанском
и американском английском примерах
. Использование непроизводных и производных междометий в
испанском и американском английском примерах
. Абсолютная и относительная частотность функций, выполняемых
междометиями
.1 Эмотивная функция
.2 Дискурсивная функция
Глава III.
Перевод междометий
. Стратегии передачи междометий
. Возможные причины выбора разных стратегий передачи
междометий
Заключение
Библиография
TABLE OF CONTENTS
IntroductionI. Interjections in language and in speech
.The notion and definition of the interjection
. Classification of interjections
. Functions of the interjections
.1 Emotive function
.2 Discursive functions
. Borrowing in the class of interjectionsII. The
functioning of interjections in Spanish and English spoken discourse
.Absolute and relative frequency of interjections in
the Sp and AE samples
. The use of primary and derived interjections in the
AE and Sp sample
. Absolute and relative frequency of different
functions of the interjections
.1 Emotive function
.2 Discursive functionIII. Interpretation of
interjections
. Strategies of the interpretation of interjections
.Possible reasons for the choice of different ways of
rendering an interjection
interjection is quite a controversial unit of language.
Language scholars, grammarians and linguists generally preferred to limit its
role to a marginal element with respect to other aspects of language because of
its nature and the difficulty in attributing it to the categories of
traditional grammar. That is probably why interjections have been quite poorly
analyzed. The interjection, as one of the, perhaps, least discussed upon
classes of words, is the focus of this pursuit.aim of this paper is to trace
the peculiarities of the use of interjections in two distinct languages -
English and Spanish. We will try to find the differences and similarities in
the functioning and frequency of interjections in the original English sample
and its Spanish translation and distinguish the strategies to which translators
resort in order to render interjections.work is topical and new, as the
language and cultural variation in the use of interjections has so far been
neglected.order to achieve our aim the following tasks were singled out:
to study theoretical works on interjections in order to
compare different approaches to the grammatical description of the interjection
and work out our own interpretation of this language unit;
to research the functions of interjections in language;
to compare the frequency of interjections in the speech of
the representatives of different nations;
to investigate the functions performed by interjections of
various types with respect to the peculiarities of both languages;
to research the cases in which different interjections
express the same function, and study their cultural variation;
to ascertain whether there are universal interjections that
can be found in the majority of languages;
to analyze different ways of translating interjections from
English to Spanish and other strategies of rendering emotions originally
expressed with the help of interjections;
to analyze the reasons for the choice of given ways of
rendering.aim and the tasks determine the structure of the paper and the
materials that were used.paper consists of Introduction, three Chapters,
Conclusion and Bibliography.the Introduction the subject matter of the paper
and its aims are stated.I covers theoretical points of the work and offers a
close look at different approaches to grammatical description of the notion of
the interjections. It also gives a detailed classification of interjections and
their various functions and provides the basis for further investigation of the
peculiarities of the use of interjections in the given languages.II is devoted
to the practical analysis of the collected material, with the aim of tracing
the differences and similarities in the functioning of interjections in various
communicative situations by speakers of different nationalities and the
characteristic features of the occurrence of interjections belonging to
different classes from morphological and functional points of view with
examples illustrating these peculiarities. In Chapter III we analyze the ways
of rendering interjections and distinguish the strategies used for this
purpose. We also provide some possible reasons for the choice of particular
strategies. During the work on the paper we used theoretical books on grammar
and linguistics by both Russian and foreign authors. Our analysis was carried
out on the basis of two American sitcoms: “How I Met Your Mother” and
“Friends”. The list of materials is presented in the Bibliography
section.theoretical value of the paper lies in the contribution to the theory
of the interjection, its functioning in language and cultural differences
between the English and Spanish discourse. Our practical results may be applied
to teaching. They may also be valuable for the general linguistic course as
they provide a deeper insight into the problem of social variation in the use
of emotive language.
I INTERJECTIONS IN LANGUAGE AND IN SPEECH.
1. The notion and definition of
the interjection
term interjection entered the English language probably in
the 13th or 14th century from Latin interjicere (-jacere) with the meaning to
throw or cast between, from «inter» between + «jacere» to throw.interjection
has long been thought to be a linguistic "problem", because of its
nature and the difficulty in putting it in the categories of traditional
grammar; language scholars, grammarians and linguists therefore generally preferred
to reserve it a role of a marginal element with respect to other aspects of
language. However, this has not been more than an attempt to evade the problem
of definition, which has led to a patent confusion about many aspects related
to interjection and made it one of the most controversial issues in history of
grammatical and linguistic studies. From this prospective it is not surprising,
that in his work E. Sapir admits that interjections are among the least
important elements of speech (E. Sapir, 1921).many authors point (L. Blanch
1956; A. Perez 1985; Rojas 1981; F. Ameka 1992a; V. Veiga 2003), if it goes
back to Greek grammarians, the interjection was considered a subgroup of
adverbs: this was the position of Dionysius of Thrace presented in his traditional
classification of words in eight parts of speech. In the classification of
Latins particularly in Remmio of Palaemon (first century AD.), the interjection
becomes one of the eight parts of speech, since, unlike the Greeks, the Latin
language lacked the class of articles and its introduction was a strategy for
keeping the number of parts of speech., due to the Latin grammarian Donatus the
interjection was introduced with the following definition "pars orationis
affectum mentis significans voce incognita" i.e. part of the sentence that
means an emotion of the mind through a voice (or word) unknown.this prospect
interjections can be considered as an expression of human affective state, that
were the first words of the men which served as the starting point for the
development of the first language.of the definitions and theories, that link
the interjection to the original language due to its «primitive» nature, have
already been thoroughly rejected..Goffman in his essay «Forms of Talk» includes
the interjections between response cries, screams reaction, interjections not
lexicalized, which are not fully words (E. Goffman, 1981).. Smirnitsky in the
«Morphology of the English Language» says that interjections are opposed to
notional words as being purely the elements expressing feelings and emotions
that have no nominative function. (A. Smirnitsky, 1959, c. 392)linguists
separate discourse markers and interjections and do not
include interjections in the group of discourse markers(W. Cueto, A.
López), some grammarians include interjections in the group together
with prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs and adjectives ( L. Barhudarov, 1975).
So we may see that the interjection so long ignored by the
linguists is considered mostly as a notionless expression of feelings and
emotions that is syntactically independent and can function either as an
independent part of a sentence or as a separate sentence. Some linguists
consider it to be the ancestor of the notional words, transitional stage of
inarticulate sound flow to articulate speech. However, the status of the
interjection is not still specified as long as there are theories that are
contrasting in the problem of the grammatical status of the interjection.
2. Classification of
interjections
large groups can be distinguished within the entirety of
English interjections on the grounds of their phonemic contents, their
immediate origin and their overall formal characteristics: primary
interjections and derived interjections. Primary interjections are words like aha!
auh! bah! boo! coo! cor! eeeek! eh! gee! gee-whiz! ha! ha-ha! ho! hooey!
hoo-ha! hoy! huh! hullo! hum! oho! ooh! oops! uh! uh-huh! uh-uh! These short
forms are usually one or two syllable segments with emotions as referents, and
with indisputable purpose in language communication.interjections, e.g.begone!
behold! bingo! blast! blimey! bother! bullshit! crazy! crikey! damnation! the
devil! doggone! god! good! goodness! gracious! grand! hell! honestly! indeed!
look! nonsense! silence! so! sod! soft! son of a bitch! son of a gun! upon my
soul! up with! upsy-daisey! well! woe! no wonder!, have more word-like or
phrase-like forms with identifiable referents outside language or figurative
meaning and are clearly suggestive of emotional reactions to linguistic or
non-linguistic stimuli. They present oaths, warnings, orders, instructions or
value judgments. Even though they normally belong to other word classes, their
repeated use in particular situational contexts and with corresponding prosodic
features and intensity qualified them for the classification in this word
class.to Z. Tuebekova, on the basis of semantics, both primary interjections
and derived interjections can be monosemantic and polysemantic (Tuebekova,
1984). Every monosemantic interjection possesses one meaning in any context. As
for the polysemantic interjections, their meaning is highly context dependent,
thus one and the same interjection can express a whole range of emotions in
different communicative situations.table below illustrates the correspondence
between semantic and morphological classes of interjections:
|
Monosemantic interjections
|
Polysemantic interjections
|
Primary interjections
|
ahem, alas, bah, er,eugh, faugh,
fie, ha-hum, he-he-he, hmm, ho-ho, hum, mmm, mmmph, mps, pah, phew, pooh,
pshaw, tush, tutsetc
|
ah, amen, aye (ay), ha, pray, ugh, umm, whew etc
|
Derivedinterjections
|
blast him, bless me, bother, curse
it, damn, damn it, dear dear, for God’s sake, goodness me, Good Gracious, God
knows, Jesus Christ etc
|
dear me,why, oh, dear, well, what,
why, really, hell, hang it etc
|
language english interjection speech
The interjection “Eugh” in all contexts expresses disgust and can serve as an example
of a monosemantic primary interjection.
. - I saw it on Discovery channel about the jelly fish
and how to… EUGH! UGH!
You peed on yourself?! Eugheugheugh!!!
. It twisted?. -What twisted?. -Me going out with
Richard’s son…. -Eugheugheugh!
On the contrary the interjection “Oh, my God” is evidenced as a polysemantic derived interjection. In different
context it can express:
1) delight
(voice mail) -Hey, Monica, this is Chip…
Yes!
Who’s Chip?
Tsss!...
(after the conversation)
Oh my God! We were in conversation!!!
) astonishment
(entering an empty room after everything was stolen)- Oh my
God! What da hell happened here?!
) shock + sympathy’s tomorrow night?
Oh God, you didn’t hear? Mark died.
Oh, Oh my God! Oh my God, we are so sorry!
) contempt, sarcasm
(a billboard saying: Wedding blowout!) Oh my God, can you
believe it-some camp out to save a few bucks.in the English language can also
be divided into several semantic groups according to the semantic fields where
they belong. We can allocate the following groups which are very common in
English - religious words and rude words, evaluative descriptors There can also
be found some non-classified interjections.
. Religious words.belong interjections containing the words
God, Gosh, Lord, Jesus Christ, Devil, etc.interjections are usually used for
performing different emotive functions, they can express positive emotions like
surprise, anxiety and excitement, satisfaction and recognition, relief,
pleasure, delight; negative emotions - fright, grief and pity, disappointment,
irritation, pain, disgust and such emotions as realization or pleading..g.: 1)
Damn all these people. God, how I want to kiss you. I’ll ring you up in the
morning. (Anxiety and excitement)
2) She told me this the day she met me, at check-in two weeks
earlier, when she went to shake my hand, then cried, “Oh my God, you’re that
Heather Wells?” (Surprise)
. Rude words (expletives).group includes interjections like
Shit, Fuck, Blimey, Bullshit.interjections have a form of a word or a phrase
and possess figurative meaning or identifiable referents outside language. They
serve as emotional reactions to linguistic or non-linguistic stimuli.usually
express negative or unpleasant emotions and present warnings, or value judgments..g.:
“Blimey! How much it hurts!”
“Shit! What the devil are you doing here?!”
2) Evaluative descriptors
The third semantic group of interjections singled out
includes the so called evaluative descriptors. Derived from adjectives, they
help to express the speaker’s attitude or give an affirmative
response.descriptors may refer to both positive and negative feelings and
emotions.’s really a good idea! - Yeah. Wonderful. ( skeptical)
. Non-classifiedthe frequently used non-classified
interjections we may list two common interjections “man” and “dude”, and some
others.
1) Oh man, I am so excited! I
couldn’t sleep last night! I bet you guys couldn’t either.
Why?
Only the Gala event for the Grand Opening of Sharper’s
Image’s 500th store!
2) Dude! What’s up? …. I
said: What’s up, man!
3) Let’s go!
Nooo.
Hey, common, guys, it’ll be great!
4) You are to go!-Ookeeey.
5) So, it’s time to say
good-bye, I suppose.
3. Functions of the
interjections
can also be classified into functional types such as emotive/
expressive interjections, volitive/ conative and phatic interjections. This
classification can be elaborated on the basis of the communication theory of
R.Jakobson (1960). This linguist considers that a communicative act consists of
six linguistic components: the emmiter, the receiver, the context, the channel,
the message and code. Around these factors he deduced the existence of six
functions of the language. These functions depend on the orientation of the
speaker towards one of the six linguistic components of the communicative
act.six functions of language that considers R. Jakobson (1960) are:
) Emotional or expressive (emitter) e.g. interjections
) Conative or appellate (receiver) e.g. imperatives,
vocatives
) Reference (context) e.g. messages that report on the
extralinguistic world
) Phatic (channel) e.g. maintaining contact
) Poetics (code) e.g. poetry
) metalinguistic (message) e.g. information about language
itself.this classification it can be concluded that interjections perform
emotional functions, conative and phatic. In other words the emitter can use
the interjection to express their attitude towards a statement or
extralinguistic situation (or in the emotive function), influence the receiver
(or in the conative function) or control the contact with the receiver (in the
phatic function).example of the emotive/ expressive interjection is “Yippee!” -
the interjection uttered by one of the two friends who meet in the street by
chance to express a feeling of happiness or pleasure motivated be the
encounter.for the volitive or conative type, the interjection “Psss” uttered
intentionally in overt communication to ask or order to be quiet can be
considered as an example.use of the interjection in the phatic function can be
illustrated by the interjection “Oh” as a reaction to the words of the
communicative partner to express disappointment, understanding or surprise and
show involvement into the dialogue.
3.1 Emotive function
However, most of the linguists suggest that the
interjection’s primary (or even only) function is the emotive function.
Interjections are very often used to express emotions. It is important to
stress here that one interjection can convey different emotions and several different
interjections can be used to express the same emotion.there is an attempt at
grouping interjections according to their meaning, or rather, according to the
predominant semantic features that their meaning is composed of, made by Vladimir
Ž. Jovanović in his work “The Form, Position And Meaning Of
Interjections In English” (Facta Universitatis Series: Linguistics and Literature Vol.
3, No 1, 2004, pp. 17 - 28). Thus, the group of interjections that have certain
emotional expressive potential can be further diversified into different
emotions that particular interjections are indicative of:
ANGER
|
damn! damnation! the devil!
doggone! fuck! ha! hang it! hell! hunh! rats! shit! what! zounds!
|
ANNOYANCE
|
bother !damn! damnation! deuce!
drat! drot! mercy! merde! oof! ouf(f)! ouch! rot! son of a bitch! spells!
tut! tut-tut! zut!
|
APPROVAL
|
hear!
hear! hubba-hubba! hurrah! keno! olé! so!
|
CONTEMPT
|
bah! boo! booh! faugh! hum! humph!
hunh! paff! paf! pah! pfui! pho! phoh! phoo! phooey! pish! poof! pouf! pouff!
pooh! prut! prute! pshaw! puff! poff! quotha! rot! sho! shoo! shuh! shah!
soh! tcha! tchah! tchu! tchuh! tuh! tush! tusch! tusche! tuch! yech! zut!
|
DELIGHT
|
ah! ach! coo! coo-er! goody!
goodygoody! whacko! wacko! whizzo! wizzo! yippee! yip-ee!
|
DISGUST
|
aargh! bah! faugh! fuck! gad!
humph! pah! phew! phooey! pish! pshaw! pugh! rot! shit! shoot! ugh! yech!
yuck!
|
ENTHUSIASM
|
hubba-hubba! wahoo! zowie!
|
FEAR
|
eeeek! oh! oh, no!
|
IMPATIENCE
|
chut! gah! pish! pooh! pshaw! psht!
pshut! tcha! tchah! tchu! tchuh! tut! tut-tut! why! zut!
|
INDIGNATION
|
here !here! why!
|
IRRITATION
|
cor! corks! doggone! hell! hoot!
lord! lor'! lor! lors!lordy! lord me! merde! sapperment! shit! upon my word!
|
JOY
|
heyday! hurrah! ole! whee! whoop!
whoopee! yippee!
|
PAIN
|
ah! oh! ouch! ow! wow! yipe! yow!
|
PITY
|
alas! dear! dear me! ewhow!
lackaday! lackadaisy! las! och! oche! wellaway! welladay! welliday!
|
PLEASURE
|
aha! boy! crazy! doggone! good!
heigh! ho! wow! yum! yumyum!
|
RELIEF
|
whew! whoof!
|
SORROW
|
alas! ay! eh! hech! heck! heh!
lackaday! lackadaisy! las! mavrone! och! oche! wellaway! welladay! welliday!
wirra!
|
SURPRISE
|
ah! alack! blimey! boy! caramba!
coo! cor! dear! dear me! deuce! the devil! doggone! gad! gee! gee-whiz!
golly! good! goodness! gracious! gosh! ha! heck! heigh! heigh-ho! hey!
heyday! ho! hollo! hoo-ha! huh! humph! indeed! jiminy! lord! man! mercy! my!
nu! od! oh! oho! oh, no! phew! say! shit! so! son of a bitch! upon my soul!
well! what! whoof! whoosh! why! upon my word! wow! yow! zounds!
|
SYMPATHY
|
now! tsk!
|
TRIUMPH
|
aha! ha! hurrah! ole! so!
|
WONDER
|
blimey! crazy! gee! goodness! gosh!
ha! heyday! oh! what! wow!
|
3.2 Discursive functions
It is obvious that interjections alongside performing an
emotive function, can also serve as a discourse marker. For C. Velarde the
“discourse particles function is to mark relationships that exceed the limits
of sentence syntax” (Velarde, 1995).functioning as discourse markers can be
divided into two groups: interjections performing the textual function and
those performing the interactional function.in the textual function are used
for marking or creating cohesion relations. The most commonly used are right,
so, yes, year..g. : So, yeah, mhm, right.
“Right. Are you through with that? Shall we go further? ”are
fairly neutral with respect to attitude and emotion. They serve as links
between utterances.for interactional, these are such interjections as yeah, mhm,
right, fine, okay, well, so, see; that serve as transition points,
conversational interaction cues, back channel responses.
“So, you’d rather I was insincere? You’d rather I lied?we can
also say that an interjection serving as a discourse marker can also perform an
emotive function..g.: Ah, I didn’t know you are here!interjection “Ah”
performing the discursive function of introducing a speech act also performs an
emotional function expressing surprise.
4. Borrowing in the Class of
Interjections
of the most productive sources of innovation in any given
language is borrowing. For centuries for needs of various natures, speakers of
a linguistic community have been borrowing linguistic structures from the
languages used by other, genetically related or unrelated linguistic
communities.can be counted among the rather rare cases of borrowings that are
not necessarily justified by the denominative needs arising with referential
novelty. They are affective borrowings, and the adoption of such foreign words
as interjections can probably be justified by the traditional claim of
expressiveness (the “more striking phonologic value”) or by the prestige
factor.other words the excessive usage of some interjections by the
representatives of other linguistic communities leads to the substitution of
the original interjection by a borrowed one. For example, the English
interjection “Ok” can be found in a number of European languages, as well as
some Slavonic languages, due to excessive usage by the younger generation and the
use of the Internet as a global net.may say that borrowed interjections start
as items used by specific groups, usually teenagers, which might spread
successfully among all categories of speakers, but there is no guaranty of
their survival over longer spans of time.of the interjections borrowed are not
included in the dictionaries, either due to their informal limited use, or due
to their temporal character (things that are popular today are not likely to be
popular tomorrow).Anglo-American are the most common borrowings nowadays, due
to the expansion of the English language used as a language of international
communication and the pervasiveness of the internet through which the process
of borrowing is mostly carried out., such borrowings are less specialized and
less restricted to particular fields of activity or contexts of use. The most
recent acquisitions to a number of languages (German, Spanish, Russian) in this
category, dating probably to the last decades of the 20th century, seem to be
English: wow, oops, ouch, cool,okay along with the slang or taboo based
‘swearing words’ shit!, fuck!, (god)dam(n)(it)!, which have been adopted by
these languages- usually - without undergoing any structural, semantic or
categorization change.about the interjections borrowed from the English
language by Spanish we may state that the international ok / okay as an
agreement interjection imported from American English (though it has
equivalents in the language: Vale, de acuerdo) is the most frequently used
interjection that was borrowed.
e.g.: «Okey! De acuerdo dijo.»
Speaking about the interjections borrowed by the Spanish
language from English we can also mention the interjection chin-chin (attested
in English since 1795), as a toasting formula.we can also enumerate the
interjection «hurrа» (it came to the English
language as a «hip, hip, hurrah!», used by the English sailors, originally from
the Turkish servants that saluted the sultan with the help of this phrase),
«stop» used in its original meaning as well as in its figurative meaning as the
expression of a high degree of determination:
e.g. Stop! Aunque
la muerte estuviera en la esquina con su escoba en alto, aunque la esperanza no
fuera más que una Palmira gorda.
Other latest borrowings are the
interjections wow!; oops; yeah!; cool, etc.
It is important to mention here that almost all the
borrowings have equivalents in the Spanish language and are mostly used by the
younger generation that seek to be a part of the international community whose
mother tongue is English (Gabriela-Alina Sauciuc
<#"807782.files/image001.gif">
2. The use of primary and
derived interjections in the AE and Sp samples
let us take a closer look at the types of interjections used
in AE and Sp.analysis of the two language variants of the same material
revealed the difference in the frequency of the use of primary and derived
interjections in AE and Sp (see Table below):
|
AE
|
Sp
|
Primary
|
73%( 405)
|
40% ( 147)
|
Derived
|
27%( 148)
|
60% ( 221)
|
this table we can see that derived interjections are
more frequently used in the Spanish language than in the English language where
primary interjections prevail.table below provides the list of interjections
found in both samples organized according to their type:
|
A.E.
|
Sp.
|
Primary interjections
|
Oh, ah, ugh, eugh, wow, ouch, oups,
hey, ow, hmm, mmm, uugh
|
ay, oy, ah, oh, wow, eh, ey, agh,
yahoo, mmm, brr
|
Derived interjections
|
My God, God, damn, come on, fuck,
yeah, holy crap, dude, man, gosh, so, okay, well, no, oh crap, ... (what, where) da hell
|
vaya, venga,
anda, oye, vamos, Dios mío, madre mía, por amor de Dios, madre
de Dios, bueno, pues, tío, vale, alto, mierda, okey, ni hablar
|
Analyzing primary interjections we set ourselves a goal to
find out whether there are universal primary interjections that can be found in
the majority of languages and whether they have the same functions in all these
languages.we decided to take up the interjection “Oh” that seems one of the
most frequently used in the English language and that can be found in different
languages
The English dictionary of interjection
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om the similar
analysis of the derived interjections in the Sp sample we may see that theyare
mostly of a verbal origin, in the sense that they developed from different
verbs, mostly with the meaning of movement. For example, Vaya! , Vamos and
Qué va! developed from
the forms of the verb “ir”( to go) and the interjections “Venga!” and “ Anda”
developed from the verbs “venir” and “andar” ( to come and to walk). Moreover,
the interjection that is the most frequently used in the sample is a derived
verbal interjection “Vaya!” that is, by the way, one of the interjections that
have the broadest content. Another derived verbal interjection that is
frequently used in the sample is the interjection “Oye” that is derived from a
verb “oir” (hear). Below you can see the examples of the use of these
interjections:
1. - Hey, hey,
¿Quién era esa?
- Es Casey, nos hemos quedado por esta noche.
¡Vaya,vaya!
2. Vaya, Monica, que oportunidad de influir docena de
personas...
3. ¡Venga,
hombre! ¿Qué te pasa?
4. - Oye, me encanta tu sueter!
Oh , ¿hablas en
serio?
. Oye, lo
siento. Venga,¿ qué quieres que te diga?
. ¡Anda!
¡Mira quien ha llegado!
. Vamos,¡suena
increíble!
8. Vamos, tenemos que ir a compras.
Among the derived interjections of nominal character that are
most frequently used may be listed the following
interjections: Madre mía, Dios mío, Oh Dios mío, mierda.
e.g.:
1. Madre de Dios,
¿no te lo han enterado? Joana falleció esta noche.
· ¡Eso
es imposible! ¿ Cómo?
· Cuando
salió del despacho la atropelló un taxi.mía....Vaya.....
eso es increíble, Dios mío, Dios mío....
. Oh,
¡mierda! No tengo velo, ¡Y no puedo casarme sin velo! Necesito
velo.
¡Oh, Dios
mío, vamos a casarnos!
. Hahaha, Dios
mío, ¡he sacado el zumo por el nariz! ¡Pero eso totalmente
merece la pena! Madre mía, había olvidado por completo de tu “sonido”
For the sake of comparative analysis we also carried out the
same calculations of the derived interjections of verbal and nominal origin and
provide the results in a form of a diagram:
results
that we received from the comparative analysis of derived interjections make us
think that the origin of the interjection and the preference of this or that
type of interjections may be influenced by the way we perceive the situation.
Thus, the predominant role of interjections of verbal origin in Spanish helps
to produce a more dynamic (as the meaning of a verb is process, which is a
dynamic, changeable feature), more emotional effect, if compared to the
predominance of interjections of nominal character (the categorial meaning of a
noun is substance, that is something stable, having shape and equal to itself)
in the AE sample. This may be a result of cultural differences, as the Spanish
culture and mentality are considered to be most vivid and bright, emotions
stronger and more demonstrated while Americans tend to be emotional but more
reserved than Spaniards. Besides, we should bear in mind that American English
is a national variant of the English language that has its roots in the English
society that is more reserved than American, and it cannot but be reflected in
the language.this section we also analyze the samples from point of view of the
use of monosemantic and polysemantic interjections.analysis revealed that the
two interjections that can express the widest range of emotions in
the Spanish language are the derived interjections “Vaya!” and “Dios
mío!” and their variations, the first of them being of verbal and the other of nominal character. The
examples are given below:
· surprise, satisfaction
-Mmmm ¡Dios mío! ¡Estos
crapitos están deliciosos!
-Yo he aprendido cocinar ...
- ¡Vaya!
· irritation
¡Vaya! Siempre me
pasa lo mismo.
· joy, delight
-Hey, hey,
¿Quién era esa?
-Es Casey, nos hemos quedado por esta noche.
-¡Vaya,vaya!
· approval
( about a van) -Pero vamos a sustituir esta espada con una
barra de pan.
¡Vaya!
· surprise, Monica, que oportunidad de
influir docena de personas...
v contempt
Oh,Dios, ¿son
“Vigilantes de la playa”?
v surprise, satisfaction
-Mmmm ¡Dios mío! ¡Estos
crapitos están deliciosos!
Yo he aprendido cocinar ...
¡Vaya!
v shock and sorrow
-Cuando salió
del despacho la atropelló un taxi.
Madre
mía....Vaya..... eso es increíble, Dios mío, Dios
mío....
v happiness, excitement
Oh, Dios mío,
¡creo que voy a llorar!
As for the English language we may say that the primary
interjection “Oh” is the interjection that has the broadest content. It can
reflect any possible emotion, from joy to disappointment.
) amazement, admiration
This is the place.
Oh, wow, Vera Wang! Oh, Robin, do you have any idea what you,
guys, stayed in front of here?
)1-irritation and despair, 2- joy and relief
Do you know the score?!
Sorry, I missed the game.
Oh, God! Holy…..Emet Smith! Oh, thank you, God!
) excitement
Oh, commercials! This monkey is hilarious!
) disappointment
Oh, man!
) satisfaction
Oh,oh yeah….
) contempt
Oh, really?!the conclusion from the first part of our
analysis we may say that not only the choice between derived and primary
interjections differs, but also the mere character of derived interjections is
different: while most of the English derived interjections are of nominal
character, most of the Spanish derived interjections are of verbal character
thus producing a more dynamic effect. Moreover, one of the interjections that
express the widest range of emotions “Vaya” is a derived interjection of verbal
origin. It may be interpreted as the difference in the mentality of the two
nations, as the Spaniards are considered to be more emotional, dynamic, while
the English are rather reserved and calm- the difference that is reflected in
the structure of interjections.
4. Absolute and relative
frequency of different functions of the interjections
it was stated in Chapter 1, most of the linguists suggest
that the interjection’s primary (or even only) function is emotive. However
some linguists argue that interjections alongside the emotive function serve as
discourse markers. The diagram below shows the results of the comparative
analysis of the functions of interjections found in both samples.
we compare the percentage of the interjections serving
as discourse markers and those performing the emotive function we can see that
the number of emotive interjections is almost three times larger than the
number of those that are discourse markers in the Spanish sample and almost the
same figures can be observed in the English one. This may serve as a proof to
the statement about the emotive nature of interjections and demonstrates that
the emotive function is their predominant function, though there can be found
interjections performing the discursive function as well.table below provides
the list of interjections found in both samples organized according to their
function:
|
A.E.
|
Sp.
|
Emotive function
|
Oh, ah, ugh, eugh, wow, ouch, oups,
hey, ow, hmm, My God, damn, holy crap, gosh, fuck, no, man, oh crap
|
vaya, agh, oy, ay, eh, wow,
oh, Dios mío, madre mía, por amor de Dios, madre de Dios, ni
hablar, alto
|
Discursive function
|
Oh, ah, yeah, dude, man, so, okay,
well
|
ey, bueno, pues, oye, okey, vale, ay, venga,
tío
|
Emotive functionagree that the emotive function is the
primary function of the interjection, the fact that we proved in the previous
section. More than 70% of the interjections we have in the analyzed samples
perform the emotive function.is important to stress here that one interjection
can convey different emotions and several different interjections can be used
to express the same emotion.emotions that are usually expressed with the help
of interjections are: surprise, shock, delight, disappointment, sympathy,
pain.table below illustrates all the interjections found in the samples
organized according to the emotions they express:
emotionsA.E.Sp.
|
|
|
surprise, delight
|
oh, wow, hey, yeah, my God
|
vaya, wow, oh,Dios, yahoo, anda
|
exitement
|
come on, ah, my God, yeah, hey
|
anda, venga, Dios,alto,eh, madre de Dios
|
satisfaction, pleasure
|
oh, yeah, mmm, my God
|
vaya, mmm,
madre mía
|
admiration
|
oh, wow, God, gosh
|
oh, vaya, wow, ah, eh, Dios mío
|
disgust
|
ugh, eugh
|
agh,
Dios mío, brr
|
pain
|
ouch, ow, (oh) my God, damn, fuck
|
ay, mierda, oy
|
shock
|
oh, my God, God, gosh, no
|
Dios
mío, madre mía, por amor de Dios, madre de Dios,ah, vaya
|
disappointent
|
holy crap, damn, (oh) man, oh crap
|
mierda, ah, oh, vaya,
|
irritation, anger
|
oh, uugh, damn, oh God,... da hell
|
mierda, vaya,
Dios mío, ni hablar,
|
For the sake of analysis we divided emotions into positive
and negative.emotions: surprise, delight, excitement, pleasure, satisfactionour
corpus we have traced a whole variety of interjections, expressing positive
emotions such as surprise, delight, satisfaction and pleasure. On the whole,
the interjections that perform the emotive function and denote positive emotions
constitute almost 40% of all the studied material.in AE sample the
interjections denoting positive emotions are mostly the derived interjection “
Oh my God” (the most frequently used) and the primary interjections “ Oh” and
“Wow” , in the Sp sample the most frequently used interjections are the derived
interjections “ Vaya” and “ Dios mío”.
v excitement, delight
I love Beatles!
Oh my God! So do I!
v delight, surprise
· Guess what?Franky and Ellis got
married!
· Oh, Oh, my God
· And they wanna have a baby!
· Oh, yeah, wow ,Ohoho!
v amazement, admiration
· This is the place.
· - Oh, wow, Vera Wang!-Oh, Robin, do
you have any idea what you, guys, stayed in front of here?
· surprise, satisfaction
· Mmmm
¡Dios mío! ¡Estos
crapitos están deliciosos!
· Yo he aprendido cocinar ...
· ¡Vaya!
· excitement
· ¡Oh,
Dios mío, vamos a casarnos!
· joy, delight
Hey, hey, ¿Quién
era esa?
- Es Casey, nos hemos quedado por esta noche.
¡Vaya,vaya!
· admiration
· ¡Vaya!
¡Ha sido una “Wow”!
Negative emotionsthis part of our analysis we have studied a
whole range of interjections expressing negative emotions such as
disappointment, irritation, disgust and pain.in all this class of interjections
constitutes about 60% of all the analyzed interjections performing the emotive
function. Thus we may conclude that negative emotions are more frequently
rendered by interjections than positive emotions.and pain: It is interesting to
mention that most of the interjections expressing these negative emotions are
primary interjections.
· disgust
Are you really thinking of having sex with your brother?
Eugh! Eugh, of course not!!!
Atchu! Givemefive!
Eugh,no!
- Un momento. Yo lo
ví en Discovery Chanel sobre las medusas y como si.... ¡Agh!
¡¿Temeasteencima?!
¡Agh! ¡Agh!
- ¡Es morboso!
- ¿Qué es
morboso?
- Que voy a salir con el hijo de Richard...
¡Agh!
¡Agh!¡ Es horrible!
· Pain
- Ow! Ow, ow, ah! It hurts, it hurts!
Ouch! Ouchi in my mouth.
- ¡Ay!¡ Ay!
¡ Me duele! ¡Me duele! ¡Oy,maldita medusa!
- ¡Oy!
¡¿Acabas de morderme?!
Irritation, anger: these emotions are mostly expressed by the
so-called rude words and some other interjections, both primary and derived.
· ( dropping a bottle of expensive
whiskey)- Damn it, Ted!
· Argh, you are awful!
· Fuck! It’s unfair! Hate it!
· Oh God! You are so selfish!
· ¡Mierda!
Soy sola de nuevo y ¡eso es una mierda!
· ¡Mierda,
Barney, cállate!
· ¡Madre
mía, me voy, eres una persona horrible!
Shock: It may be called one of the (or even the only)
emotions that are always expressed with the help of interjections. The most
frequently used interjection here is “Oh my God” and its Spanish equivalent “Dios
mío”.
· What’s tomorrow night?
Oh God, you didn’t hear? Mark died.
Oh, Oh my God! Oh my God, we are so sorry!
· (finding a picture)- Oh my God! Did
you know about it?
· Oh God, what’s happened in here?!
· Oh God, you dunno?
What?
Yesterday when she was leaving the office she was
ran over by a taxi cab…
Oh my God, oh, oh God…..
· Cuando
salió del despacho la atropelló un taxi.
- Madre mía....
Vaya..... eso es increíble, Dios mío, Dios mío....
· ¡
Dios mío! ¿Qué ha pasado aquí?
· ¡Por
amor de Dios! No lo creo...
We also come across the use of “No” in the function of
interjection expressing shock or a blend of shock and disappointment. Here are
the examples:
) Ross got married again? Nooooo!!!
) Oh, no, no, no, he shouldn’t get back together with
her…
) ( answering machine) - Your message has been
erased.-Noooo!we compare the ways emotions are rendered in these two samples we
may see some direct correlations between interjections denoting this or that
emotion.example, English “Oh my God” and “ Oh God” expressing shock
and surprise can be interpreted with a whole group of interjections similar in
the emotion they render : “ Dios mío”, “Madre de Dios”, “Madre
mía”, “Por amor de Dios”.
While the Englishman may repeat Oh my God several times in
the same context, the Spaniard may use numerous synonymic interjections in the
same context.
· Oh my God! Kitty, no, tshu,tshu, no!
Oh my God!
What?
Nothing… I just have a strong feeling that this cat
is my mother.
· ¡Dios
mío! ¡Fuera, gatita, fuera! ¡Madre de Dios!
¿Qué?
- Nada… es que tengo la
extraña sensación que esta gata es el espíritu de mi
madre.
· Oh my God.... what’s happened?
· Por
el amor de Dios… Qué ha pasado?
The parallels can also be found between the English
interjection Wow! expressing delight and excitement and the Spanish
interjection Vaya! expressing the same emotion.
· Oh, wow, and you can become a
lesbian, too!
· Vaya!
Y oye, podrías ser lesbiana!
· Wow, my breast is so strong!
· Vaya! Tengo los pechos muy fuertes!
Discursive functionit was mentioned before in Chapter I,
alongside the emotive function interjections perform discursive function in
speech. They can serve as element that introduces the speech, attracts
attention of the listener and often precedes a new idea that occurred to a
person, to provide a feedback to the main idea of the conversation, they can function
as backchannels thus performing the role of discourse markers. As it was
mentioned above the interjections serving as discourse markers constitute 30%
of the interjections found in the AE sample and 25% of those from the Sp
sample.table below provides a list of interjections found in both samples
organized according to the discursive function they serve:
function
|
A.E.
|
Sp.
|
Interactional
|
hey, man, dude, well, come on, so
|
ah, ay, oh,
oye, venga, tío, ey, bueno, vamos, vaya
|
Textual
|
ah, oh, yeah, well, okay
|
okey, vale,pues
|
functiongreat number of interjections perform the
interactional function. Such interjections are used to introduce a remark or to
back-channel. The most frequently used interjections serving this function are
“So”, “Well”, “Dude” and “Man”. For example::
)So, it’s time to say good-bye, I suppose.
)So, I found her shampoo in the bath.
) Well, we gotta go now, really.
) So, where is my bike?-Erm…
) Dude! What’s up? …. I said: What’s up, man!
)Man, what’s up with Swarley?
for the Sp sample, we found a wide range of interjections,
both primary and derived, that perform exclusively the discursive function or
those that perform the discursive as well as the emotive function. e.g.:
) Bueno, empezamos!
2) Vaya, parece que sabes mucho de maridos…
3) Oh,
cariño, ¿lo has hecho para mí?
4) -Oye, me encanta tu sueter!
- Oh , ¿hablas
en serio?
) Oye,
¿por qué no me digas dónde está mi camión?
) Hey,
tíos, fijados en mi ollo!
7) Ah, hola, Señor
Trigger. ¿Qué estás haciendo?
Textual functiontype of discursive functions of the
interjections is the textual function. As it was said in Chapter I
interjections in the textual function are used for marking or creating cohesion
relations. These are relatively more frequently used than those in
interactional function in the AE sample, but are less common for the Sp sample
where the interactional function prevails. Let us consider the examples::
) Oh, wow, it was amazing!(about the massage) Was it an hour?
-Yeah, a very long one.-What? - Oh, ok. I have an enormous crash on you but
because you are a client I can’t ask you out even though you give me….you
know…the feelings.
) I wrote you a letter…- Ah, thank you, I like mail.
) It’s really a good idea!-Yeah.Wonderful.( sarcastically)
) You are to go!-Ookeeey.
) I am so angry with him!-Oh, yeah, me too!
) Thank you so much.-Oh, you are welcome.
Sp:
) Oye, me encanta tu sueter!
Oh , ¿hablas en
serio?
) Ah, y despues
apareció nueva chica de Ross.
) Voy al coche.,tengo que echar mi maleta.
4) Claro que sabes
dónde trabajo.,¿sí?
) ¡Tienes
que irte! - Vale.
* * *analysis demonstrates that the number of emotive
interjections is almost three times larger than the number of those performing
discursive function that is reflected in the A.E. sample as well as the Sp.
sample. Thus, we may conclude that the emotive function is the predominant
function of interjections, though there can be found interjections performing
the function of a discourse marker.interjections have a potential to express a wide
range of emotions, both positive and negative. Negative emotions are more often
rendered with the help of interjections than positive. However while some
emotions can be rendered by a relatively wide range of interjections (for
example, surprise or delight), some emotions have a restricted range of
interjections that express them (for example, disgust)we look at the discursive
functions of the interjection here we may single out the interactional and
textual functions. The analysis shows that in the AE sample the textual
function prevails and the interjections performing this function are relatively
more frequently used than those in interactional function, while the textual
interjections are less common for the Sp sample where the interactional function
prevails.
III. INTERPRETATION OF INTERJECTIONS
can acquire different meanings depending on the context,
communicative intentions of the communicant, the suprasegmental features
(intonation and paralinguistic features). All this applied to the field of translation
produces difficulties. Rendering interjections is therefore not an easy task,
especially speaking about audiovisual translation in which there are technical,
professional and cultural limits that can influence the original meaning. One
of the most frequent problems in translation of interjections is the
idiomaticity that characterizes them, as they are specific in their use. Though
there can be found phonologically identical forms in the analyzed two languages
(eh , oh, etc. . ), their use can differ: the English
interjection “Oh” both graphically and phonetically coincides with the Spanish
“Oh”, but in Spanish discourse it cannot serve as a discourse marker as this
interjection essentially expresses surprise or disappointment and serve only the
emotive function. Instead of “Oh” in the Spanish discourse the interjection
“Ah” is used as a discourse marker, for example:
3) Oh, you are
here - Ah, estás aquí
4) Oh, hi Mrs Linch, Joana has already arrived? - Ah,
hola señora Linch, ¿ya ha llegado Joana?
Thus, analyzing the two samples and comparing the use of
interjections we pursue in this chapter the following tasks:
) To compare the frequency of the use of interjections
in both samples
) To reveal the ways of rendering interjections
) To analyze the reasons for the choice of given ways
of renderingthe material we noticed that in the translation of the sample from
“How I Met Your Mother” into Spanish almost 35% of the interjections used in
the original sample are lost. In the translation of the sample from “Friends”
almost 31% of the interjections used in the original sample are lost. All in
all 33% of all the interjections found in the AE sample disappear in the
translation.
interjections that usually disappear in the
translation are mainly primary interjections that are either omitted or
replaced by a word combination. For example:
AE: -Atchu! Give me five!
· Eugh, no!
Sp: Atchu!
Chócola!
· No
lo sueñes!: Why don´t you tell Ted that you love him?
· Come
on, it´s a big deal for me!
· Oh
God, seems you´ve never told a guy that you love him!
Sp: Por qué no
puedes decir a Ted que le quieres?
· Vamos,
es algo importante para mí!
· ¿Por
qué? Como si nunca lo hubieras dicho a un chico!
In the examples listed above we can see how interjections
from the English original sample are substituted by an utterance in the
translated sample.is important to mention that the utterances that substitute
interjections in the translation carry approximately the same meaning as the
original interjection and are accompanied by the same intonational pattern,
thus the emotions expressed in the utterance are present.interjections are just
omitted in the translated sample. For example:: Oh, wow, it was amazing!(about
the massage) Was it an hour? -Yeah, a very long one.-What? - Oh, ok. I have an
enormous crash on you but because you are a client I can’t ask you out even
though you give me….you know…the feelings.
Sp: Vaya,ha sido incredible! Solemos
estado una hora? - Sí, ee el mundo de las horas
eternas.-¿Qué?- Está bien, estoy totalmente colada por
tí pero eres un cliente y no puedo pedirte salir conmigo aunque me
extingas un montón.
AE: - Oh my God!
Phoebe, you know we have rules here and it´s not a place where….
· Oh,
yeah, I know but it´s not how it looks like. Rick is my husband.
· Oh,
really? Then you´d better call another wife of his as she´s called
three times asking where he is!
· Ok,
I´ll do.
Sp: - ¡Madre de
mi vida! Phoebe sabes las reglas, no es el sitio de la clase….
· Sí,
yo lo sé pero no es lo que parece en absoluto. Rick es mi marido.
· En
realidad? Entonces, tienes que llamar a su otra mujer ya que ha llamado tres
veces preguntando donde está su marido.
· Vale,
tendré que llamarla.
We can also speak about the reverse tendency when in the
translation we come across interjections that are not present in the original
sample.: - Ugh, I don’t support it!
· Gay marriage?
· No! Not a gay marriage.....
Marriage!...
Sp: - Ugh, ¡no lo
apruebo!
· ¿El
matrimonio gay?
· No,
no el matrimonio gay pero ...¡el matrimonio! Brrrr...
AE: -You know what?! It
does or it doesn´t, that´s it!
SP: -Oye! ¿Sabes
que?Te lo parece o no te lo parece, eso es!
AE: -You know where I work!
· I do?:-¡Sabes dóndetrabajo!
· Ah,
¿sí?
Thus we may see that the differences in the use of
interjections in the original sample and the translated one can be traced in
two directions: the interjections can be omitted or replaced by a utterance in
the translation as well as a new interjection appears where there is no
interjection in the original utterance.point that we analyzed is the way
interjections, that are not omitted or replaced by an utterance, are
translated. Here we may see that there are three possibilities in rendering an
interjection:
) To translate it verbatim
) To replace it by its equivalent in the other
language with the same meaning
) To leave it as itfor the first strategy, we noticed
that only a few of interjections are translated verbatim, among them the
interjections “(Oh) my God!” and “Come on” that are
rendered as “(Oh) Dios mío!” and “Venga” that can be considered as a
direct translation. About 25% of these interjections found in the samples are
translated in this way. For example:
AE: - I like Beatles.
· Oh my God! So do I!
Sp: - A mí me
gustan Beatles.
· ¡Оh
Dios mío, a mí también!
AE: - Come on, Chandler, let’s go!
Sp: - Venga, Chandler,
vámonos!
AE: - Yesterday when she was leaving the office she was ran
over by a taxi cab…
Oh my God, oh, unbelievable ….oh God…..
Sp: - Ayer, cuando
salió del despacho la atropelló un taxi.
- Madre
mía....Vaya..... eso es increíble, Dios mío, Dios
mío....
As for the interjection “My God” it is considered to
be one of the few derived interjections (if not the only) that can be found
almost in all languages. The table below demonstrates the equivalents to “My
God” that can be found in different languages. (Wiktionary.
#"807782.files/image010.gif">
Possible reasons for the choice of different ways of
rendering an interjection.we stated above, one of the main goals for this
chapter is to analyze the samples and provide some supposition on why
interjections are rendered in different ways and what factors influence the
choice of a particular strategy. We arranged the strategies in the following
analysis according to the frequency of their use, thus first come the
strategies that predominate and the last one is the rarest case of the
rendering of interjections.of all, we will speak about strategy 2: substitution
for an interjection with different form but identical meaning that is
appropriate for Spanish discourse. We suppose that interjections are rendered
this way when there is an equivalent in the targeted language that is popular
among the native speakers or when the original interjection is not popular
enough to be borrowed. The latter can be illustrated by the example of the
interjections“ outch” and “ow” that are rendered by the Spanish interjections
“Ay” and “Oy” typical for expressing pain. The same can be noticed with the
interjection “Hey” that is usually rendered as “Oye” with the same function of
attracting someone’s attention. e.g.:: - Ow! Ow, ow, ah! It hurts, it hurts!
Sp: -
¡Ay!¡Ay!¡ Me duele! ¡Me
duele!
AE: - Outch! You bit me?!
- Sp: - ¡Oy!
¡¿Acabas de morderme?!
AE: - Hey, I like your wooly!
Oh, really?
Sp: - Oye, me encanta tu sueter!
Oh , ¿hablas en
serio?
As for the first option that is the overall popularity of is
an equivalent in the targeted language, here we may analyze the example of the
interjection “ Okay” that is though very popular and widespread usually is
rendered by its Spanish equivalent “Vale” that is most popular among the native
speakers. Almost in 80% “Okay” was rendered as “Vale” in comparison with only
20%of the instances of borrowing of this interjection.: You know what….- Okay,
I’d better off .
Sp: Sabes….- Vale, me voy.
AE: You are to return it!-Ookaaay.
Sp: ¡Tienes que
devolvérmelo!- Vale, vale.
The strategy that comes next is strategy 1(translation
verbatium). Though there are few interjections rendered according to this
strategy(“Come on” and “(Oh) my God”) the strategy in considered to be
frequently used due to the fact that the interjection “My God” is one of the
most frequently used interjections in the samples..E.:
· Oh God, what’s happened in here?!
· Yesterday when she was leaving the
office she was ran over by a taxi cab…
Oh my God, oh, oh God…..
Sp.:
· ¡
Dios mío! ¿Qué ha pasado aquí?
· Cuando
salió del despacho la atropelló un taxi.
- Madre mía....
Vaya..... eso es increíble, Dios mío, Dios mío....
The next strategy is strategy 4 (omission). We suggest that
only some minor, probably irrelevant elements may be omitted, and here we
noticed that the omitted interjections usually performed the discursive
function, what can serve as a proof that the discursive function is secondary
for the interjection.: It’s really a good idea!-Yeah. Wonderful.
Sp: ¡Es de verdad
genial!-Quebien.
AE: I think I should apologize to you...-Well, think so.
Sp: Pienso que debo
pedirte perdón...- Supongo.: You don’t understand me! - Oh, really?!
Sp: No me entiendes! -
¡¿ De verdad?
It is also important to mention one more reason for omission
of an interjection that may be even more relevant than the first one. It is the
omission of an interjection due to the discrepancy between the functions the
interjection serves in the original sample and the function the same
interjection performs in the targeted language. The example is the interjection
“Oh” which functions differ drastically in the given languages, as it was
stated in the previous chapter. Though as a rule it is replaced by the Spanish
interjection with similar meaning in the Sp. Sample, there can be found cases
of omission as well:
AE: - Oh my God!
Phoebe, you know we have rules here and it´s not a place where….
· Oh,
yeah, I know but it´s not how it looks like. Rick is my husband.
· Oh,
really? Then you´d better call another wife of his as she´s called
three times asking where he is!
· Ok,
I´ll do.
Sp: - ¡Madre de
mi vida! Phoebe sabes las reglas, no es el sitio de la clase….
· Sí,
yo lo sé pero no es lo que parece en absoluto. Rick es mi marido.
· En
realidad? Entonces, tienes que llamar a su otra mujer ya que ha llamado tres
veces preguntando donde está su marido.
· Vale,
tendré que llamarla.
A.E.:
· Oh God, what’s happened in here?!
Sp.:
· ¡
Dios mío! ¿Qué ha pasado aquí?
The next strategy that we are going to discuss is strategy 6:
the use of a foreign interjection. Here we presume that borrowing is chosen due
to the popularity and wide-spread use of the interjection that was borrowed
before and has already been accepted by the community. The same example with
“Okay” can be analyzed from this point of view, as it seems to be one of really
few borrowed interjections in the Sp sample. As it was mentioned above it is
the most spread and acknowledged word in the world and is very popular among
the younger generation as it is compact and thus convenient for both speaking
and writing and at the same time it carries a wide range of functions from
discursive to emotive ones.: Okay, I gotta go.: Okey, me voy.: Okay, you win.:
Okey, has ganado.3 (translation with interjectional structures and phrases with
the same meaning) appeared to be not that popular, probably because the
translators often try to produce the text that can be close to the original to
the maximum.
AE: Why don´t you
tell Ted that you love him?
· Come
on, it´s a big deal for me!
· Oh
God, seems you´ve never told a guy that you love him!
Sp: Por qué no
puedes decir a Ted que le quieres?
· Vamos,
es algo importante para mí!
· ¿Por
qué? Como si nunca lo hubieras dicho a un chico!
Speaking about strategy 5 (appearance of an interjection in
the translated sample) we should admit that it is not frequently applied to the
translation and there are few examples of such kind of transformations. We
suggest that they can be explained as the desire of the translator to add some
more emotionality to the situation to adapt it to the reality of society of the
targeted language.: - Ugh, I don’t support it!
· Gay marriage?
· No! Not a gay marriage.....
Marriage!...
Sp: - Ugh, ¡no lo
apruebo!
· ¿El
matrimonio gay?
· No,
no el matrimonio gay pero ...¡el matrimonio! Brrrr...
AE: -You know what?! It
does or it doesn´t, that´s it!
SP: -Oye! ¿Sabes
que?Te lo parece o no te lo parece, eso es!
* * *, carrying out our research we noticed that 33% of all
the interjections found in the AE sample disappear in the translation. We may
see that the differences in the use of interjections in the original sample and
the translated one can be traced in two directions: interjections can be
omitted or replaced by an utterance in the translation or its equivalent as well
as a new interjection appears where there is no interjection in the original
utterance. After analyzing the two samples we can distinguish the following
translational strategies used in the translation process of these samples:
· ( 1) translation verbatium ;
· ( 2) substitution for an interjection
with different form and but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish
discourse;
· ( 3) translation with interjectional
structures and phrases with the same meaning;
· ( 4) omission;
· (5) appearance of an interjection in
the translated sample
· (6) the use of a foreign interjection
( no translation)of these strategies are used for rendering interjections
though the frequency of their usage varies greatly due to the advantages and disadvantages
of each strategy and the necessity for the translated text to be as close as
possible to the original.
aim of this paper was to trace the peculiarities of the use
of interjections in two distinct languages- English and Spanish, to find the
differences and similarities in the functioning and frequency of interjections
in the original English sample and its Spanish translation and distinguish the
strategies to which translators resort in order to render interjections.order
to achieve our aim the following tasks were singled out:
to study theoretical works on interjections in order to
compare different approaches to the grammatical description of interjection and
work out our own interpretation of this language unit;
to research the functions of interjections in language;
to compare the frequency of interjections in the speech of
the representatives of different nations;
to investigate the functions performed by interjections of
various types with respect to the peculiarities of both languages;
to research the cases in which different interjections
express the same function, and study their sociolinguistic variation;
to ascertain whether there are universal interjections that
can be found in the majority of languages;
to analyze different ways of translating interjections from
English to Spanish and other strategies of rendering emotions originally
expressed with the help of interjections;
to analyze the reasons for the choice of given ways of
rendering.our research we considered different approaches to the description of
interjections and their functioning in the language. We have studied the
approaches to defining interjections as a part of speech and as a
non-classified element of language, as well as theories that consider
interjections to be the ancestor of the notional words, transitional stage of
inarticulate sound flow to articulate speech.came to the conclusion that
interjections are mostly considered as a notionless expression of feelings and
emotions that is syntactically independent and can function either as an
independent part of a sentence or as a separate sentence.the interjections are
divided into two distinct groups: primary interjections that can be described
as short forms of one or two syllable segments that are purely a combination of
sounds and derived interjections that have more word-like or phrase-like forms
usually derived from words of different grammatical classes (nouns, verbs,
etc).as polifunctional phenomena are used very broadly either to express
emotions or to perform different discursive functions.studied different
functions of interjections and worked out the classification, according to
which we divide emotions expressed by interjections into positive and negative,
and discursive functions into interactional and textual.
. When used in emotive functions, interjections can
express:) Positive emotions:
) excitement
) pleasure
) satisfaction
) delight
) surprise
) admiration) Negative emotions:
. disgust
. pain
. shock
. disappointment
. irritation
. anger
. As a discourse marker the interjection performs the
following functions:
) Interactional
) Textual., we allocated different semantic groups of
interjections which can perform various functions: religious words, rude words,
evaluative descriptors and some non- classified words.is important to mention
that there can be found cases of borrowings in the class of interjections, thus
we can conclude that interjections are quite flexible and can enter other
languages either enriching the system of interjections or replacing original
interjections.the purpose of investigation of how interjections in one language
correlate with the ones used in the other language and what strategies are used
by translators for rendering interjections we analyzed episodes from two American
series: “How I Met Your Mother” and “Friends”.observed 921 examples of the use
of interjections and came to the next conclusions:
) In AE sample interjections occur 553 times and in Sp
they occur only 368 times. In other words, the absolute frequency of
interjections in AE is higher than in the Spanish sample, what gives us grounds
for speaking about the process and results of the interpretation of
interjections.
) The analysis of the two language variants of the
same material revealed the difference in the frequency of the use of primary
and derived interjections in AE and Sp. We can say that derived interjections
are more frequently used in the Spanish language than in the English language
where primary interjections prevail.
) Analyzing primary interjections we set ourselves a
goal to find out whether there are universal primary interjections that can be
found in the majority of languages and whether they have the same functions in
all these languages. We concluded that there can be found some universal
primary interjections that are present in the majority of languages, even if
they belong to different language branches, but the meaning and the number of
functions and the functions themselves may differ from language to language,
though there are examples of universal functions of some primary interjections,
the most common of such is “Oh”.
) The analysis of derived interjections showed the
predominant role of interjections of verbal origin in Spanish that helps to
produce a more dynamic, more emotional effect, if compared to the predominance
of interjections of nominal character in the AE sample. This may be a result of
cultural differences, as the Spanish culture and mentality are considered to be
most vivid and bright, emotions stronger and more demonstrated while Americans
tend to be emotional but more reserved than Spaniards.
) If we compare the percentage of the interjections
serving as discourse markers and those performing the emotive function we can
see that the number of emotive interjections is almost three times larger than
the number of those that are discourse markers in the Spanish sample and almost
the same figures can be observed in the English one. This may serve as a proof
to the statement about the emotive nature of interjections and demonstrates
that the emotive function is their predominant function, though there can be
found interjections performing the discursive function as well.
) The interjections have a potential to express a wide
range of emotions, both positive and negative. Negative emotions are more often
rendered with the help of interjections than positive. However while some
emotions can be rendered by a relatively wide range of interjections (for
example, surprise or delight), some emotions have a restricted range of interjections
that express them (for example, disgust)
) We noticed that 33% of all the interjections found
in the AE sample disappear in the translation. The interjections that usually
disappear in the translation are mainly primary interjections that are either
omitted or replaced by a word combination. We suggest that only some minor,
probably irrelevant elements may be omitted, and here we noticed that the
omitted interjections usually performed the discursive function, what can serve
as another proof that the discursive function is secondary for the
interjection.
) The differences in the use of interjections in the
original sample and the translated one can be traced in two directions:
interjections can be omitted or replaced by an utterance in the translation or
its equivalent as well as a new interjection appears where there is no
interjection in the original utterance.
) After analyzing the two samples we can distinguish
the following translational strategies used in the translation process of these
samples:
( 1) translation verbatium ;
( 2) substitution for an interjection with different form and
but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish discourse;
( 3) translation with interjectional structures and phrases
with the same meaning;
( 4) omission;
(5) appearance of an interjection in the translated sample
(6) the use of a foreign interjection ( no translation)
) The frequency of the usage of these strategies varies
greatly due to the advantages and disadvantages of each strategy and the
necessity for the translated text to be as close as possible to the original
(strategies are organized due to the frequency of their use):
) strategy 2. We suppose that interjections are
rendered this way when there is an equivalent in the targeted language that is
popular among the native speakers or when the original interjection is not
popular enough to be borrowed.
) strategy 1. Though there are few interjections
rendered according to this strategy (“Come on” and “(Oh) my God”) the strategy
in considered to be frequently used due to the fact that the interjection “My
God” is one of the most frequently used interjections in the samples.
) strategy 4. We noticed that the omitted
interjections usually performed the discursive function, what can serve as a
proof that the discursive function is secondary for the interjection. Another
reason for the omission of an interjection is the omission due to the
discrepancy between the functions the interjection serves in the original
sample and the function the same interjection performs in the targeted
language.
) strategy 6. Here we presume that borrowing is chosen
due to the popularity and wide-spread use of the interjection that was borrowed
before and has already been accepted by the community.
) strategy 3. Itappeared to be not that popular,
probably because the translators often try to produce the text that can be
close to the original to the maximum
) strategy 5. It is not frequently applied to the
translation and there are few examples of such kind of transformations. We
suggest that they can be explained as the desire of the translator to add some
more emotionality to the situation to adapt it to the reality of society of the
targeted language.can be found in different languages, and though they have
some common features, and there are even some interjections common for the
majority of languages, there can be found some differences in their sets and
functioning, due to differences in culture and mentality of the nations.For
example, the predominance of interjections of verbal character reveals a more
dynamic character of the Spanish language if compared to American English where
most of the derived interjections are of nominal character. This and other
differences may be observed while comparing the original sample with its
translation.
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