Cultural Values
«Urals State Technical University - UPI»
Foreign language
department
Thesis
«Cultural Values»
Student: Zaitseva S.V.
Group: PП-4
Supervisor: Hramushina Zh.A.
Ekaterinburg
2004
Table of contents:
Summary 3
Key
words 4
Introduction 5
1. Definitions:
beliefs, values 7
The
value / belief puzzle 8
Contrastive
orientations 12
Japanese
interpersonal norms 15
2. Japanese
and American patterns of social behavior 22
The national status image 25
A Cultural model of interaction 27
Seven statements about Americans 31
3.
Factors influencing values 40
Intercultural
communication: a guide to men of action 40
Cuisine,
etiquette and cultural values 52
Patterns
of speech 55
4.
Contrast Russian’s stereotypes 58
Nine
statements about Russians 58
Middle
Eastern interview responses 61
5.
American’s view of Russian. Russian’s view of
American 65
American
interview responses 65
Russian
interview responses 75
Conclusion 79
Literature 80
Appendix
SUMMARY
A diploma
work contains 80 pages, 2 tables, 1 figure, 4 books are a source of it.
Key words: cross-cultural communication, values, beliefs,
clusters, stereotypes.
In detail it is said about concept
"values", factors influencing values, the meaning of values in
intercultural communication and understanding between different nations.
In brief it is mentioned differences between
beliefs, values.
The actuality and novelty of a theme consist in the following
points.
Problems of the intercultural communications and cultural values
are "young". Scientists started to consider them rather recently. In Russia researches have begun only in the 80th years. In such a way, there is not enough
literature and materials on the given questions. Therefore any new works and
researches make the significant contribution to studying these problems.
So in my
work I tried: to research the influence of cultural values to attitude one
country to another; to explore and to compare Japanese and American patterns of
social behavior; to understand the factors influencing values; to discover
stereotypes between different countries.
In
conclusion it is noted that excellent knowledge of language
is only half-affair for successful cooperation with
other country. Also it is necessary to know features of people of other country
in negotiating or their attitude to business. Also it is necessary to take into
account features of dialogue, etiquette, relations with grown-ups and many
other things.
KEY
WORDS
Cross-cultural communication is
the information exchange between one person and any other source transmitting a
message displaying properties of a culture different to the one of the
receiver’s culture. The source of such a message can be either a person, in an
interpersonal communication process, or any form of mass media or other form of
media.
Values. A value is something that is important to people
— like honesty, harmony, respect for
elders, or thinking of your family first. They are represents what is
expected or hoped for, required or forbidden. It is not a report of actual
conduct but is the inductively based logically ordered set of criteria of
evaluations by which conduct is judged and sanctions applied.
Beliefs are
generally taken to mean a mental acceptance or conviction in the truth or
actuality of something. A belief links an object or event and the
characteristics that distinguish it from others. The degree to which we believe
that an event or object possesses certain characteristics reflects the level of
our subjective probability (belief) and, consequently, the depth or intensity
of our belief. The more certain we are in a belief, the greater is the
intensity of that belief.
Clusters are groups of inter-related industries that drive wealth creation
in a region and provides a richer more meaningful representation of local
industry drivers and regional dynamics trends than traditional methods and
represents the entire value chain of a broadly defined industry from suppliers
to end products, including supporting services and specialized infrastructure.
Stereotype is a fixed set of ideas about what a particular type of person or
thing is like, which is (wrongly) believed to be true in all cases.
INTRODUCTION
The
subject of my diploma work is cultural values.
Our perception of foreign cultures is usually
based not on their complex reality, but on the simplified image they project.
The clearer and more sharply defined that image is, the more convinced we will
be that we are intimately acquainted with it: it is a mere outward confirmation
of knowledge we already possess.
All cultures have been
designed to meet universal human needs: for shelter - for love — for
friendship. While they have commonalties,
they have great variety too! Values - universal feature of culture, how they might vary within and between cultures.
One
universal feature of culture is values. A value is something that is important
to people — like honesty, harmony,
respect for elders, or thinking of your family first.
We
can't see values directly, but we can see them reflected in people's ordinary,
day to day behavior. What we value
shapes what we do. If respect for elders is important to me, I might listen
very patiently to grandmother's stories and not argue with her. In fact, I
might turn to her for valuable and wise advice. If I value honesty, I will hope that my friends will tell me the truth and not what
they think I want to hear. If harmony is more important to me, I prefer to say things that make people happy,
even if those things are not exactly true.
In the course of human interaction,
evaluations are assigned to given types of behavior, attitudes, and kinds of
social contact. Taken together they form the belief and value system, the
cultural premises and assumptions, and the foundation for law, order, and the
world view of given cultural groups. These systems embrace a number of
assumptions about how the world is put together. Some values and norms,
differentiate between good and evil, right and wrong. Some of these assumptions
are made explicit in the beliefs and myths of the people. Beliefs, value
systems, and world view often combine with other features of social and
cultural organization to provide shared cultural symbols.
The actuality and novelty of a theme consist in the following
points.
Problems of the intercultural communications and cultural values
are "young". Scientists started to consider them rather recently. In Russia researches have begun only in the 80th years. In such a way, there is not enough
literature and materials on the given questions. Therefore any new works and
researches make the significant contribution to studying these problems.
Objects of
research in my diploma work are behavioral samples and cultural clusters.
1. DEFINITIONS: BELIEFS, VALUES
It is useful at this juncture to make some
distinctions between beliefs and values.
BELIEFS
Beliefs are generally taken to mean a mental
acceptance or conviction in the truth or actuality of something. A belief links
an object or event and the characteristics that distinguish it from others. The
degree to which we believe that an event or object possesses certain
characteristics reflects the level of our subjective probability (belief) and,
consequently, the depth or intensity of our belief. The more certain we are in
a belief, the greater is the intensity of that belief.
This is well attested to in the power of
religious beliefs. There are three types of beliefs, all of which are of
concern to us. They are experiential, informational, and inferential.
Experiential beliefs come from direct personal experience, of course; they are
integrated at the intrapersonal level. The second type involves information.
This is transferred on the interpersonal level and shows great cultural
variation. Here cultural beliefs are stated, transferred, learned, and
practiced. Informational beliefs are connected with what are called "authority
belief," or credible information sources. If a group of people believes
that exercising increases the individual's physical and mental well-being,
these believers may also be willing to accept athletes as authority figures
even though the testimonies of these idols range beyond their physical prowess.
Witness the selling success of Olympic champions and football stars in
promoting breakfast food or panty hose.
Inferential beliefs are those which go beyond
direct observation and information. These concern rules of logic,
argumentation, rhetoric, and even establishment of facts (the scientific
method). Although internal logic systems differ from one individual to another
within a culture, they differ more from one culture to another. The most
dramatic difference in cultural variance in thinking lies between Western and
Eastern cultures. The Western world has a logic system built upon Aristotelian
principles, and it has evolved ways of thinking that embody these principles.
. . . Eastern cultures, however, developed before and without the benefit of Athens or Aristotle. As a consequence, their logic systems are sometimes called
non-Aristotelian, and they can often lead to quite different sets of beliefs.
VALUES
Values bring affective force to beliefs. Some
of these values are shared with others of our kind some are not. Thus, we all
adhere to some of the beliefs and values generally accepted within our
cultures; we reject others. Values are related to what is seen to be good,
proper, and positive, or the opposite. Values are learned and may be normative
in nature. They change through time and are seldom shared in specifics by
members of different generations, although certain themes will prevail. For
example, the positive attributions placed upon competitiveness, individualism,
action, and other general principles that pervade the belief and value
orientation of members of the North American culture of the United States remain. They include the constitutionally guaranteed and socially valued
"unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"
in individualistic, action-oriented, and competitive ways. These values have
endured their expression varies from generation to generation.
A cultural value system "represents what
is expected or hoped for, required or forbidden." It is not a report of
actual conduct but is the inductively based logically ordered set of criteria
of evaluations by which conduct is judged and sanctions applied.
THE VALUE / BELIEF PUZZLE
Value and belief systems, with their
supporting cultural postulates and world views, are complex and difficult to
assess. They form an interlocking system, reflecting and reflective of cultural
history and forces of change. They provide the bases for the assignment of
cultural meaning and evaluation. Values are desired outcomes as well as norms
for behavior; they are dreams as well as reality, They are embraced by some and
not others in a community; they may be the foundations for accepted modes of
behavior, but are as frequently overridden as observed. They are also often
the hidden force that sparks reactions and fuels denials. Unexamined assignment
of these characteristics to all members of a group is an exercise in
stereotyping.
ATTRIBUTIONS AND EVALUATIONS
Often values attributions and evaluations of
the behaviors of "strangers" are based on the value and belief
systems of the observers. Have you heard or made any of the following
statements? Guilty or not?
Americans are cold.
Americans don't like their parents. Just
look, they put their mothers and fathers in nursing homes.
The Chinese are nosy. They're always asking
such personal questions.
Spaniards must hate animals. Look what they
do to bulls!
Marriages don't last in the United States.
Americans are very friendly. 1 met a nice
couple on a tour and they asked me to visit them.
Americans ask silly questions, they think we
all live in tents and drink nothing but camel's milk! They ought to see our
airport!
Americans just pretend to be friendly; they
really aren't. They say, "Drop by sometime" but when I did, they
didn't seem very happy to see me. Of course, it was ten o'clock at night!
How should such statements be received? With
anger? With explanation? With understanding and anger? Should one just ignore such
patent half-truths stereotypic judgments, and oversimplifications? Before
indulging in any of the above actions, consider what can be learned from such
statements. First, what do these statements reveal? The speakers appear to be
concerned about families, disturbed by statistics, apt to form opinions on
limited data (friendliness), given to forming hasty and unwarranted
generalizations (Spanish bullfighting), and angered by the ignorance of others.
No one cultural group has a corner on such behavior. Second, we might be able
to guess how certain speakers might feel about divorce, hospitality, or even
animals. Third, the observations, while clearly not applicable to all members
of the groups about which the comments were made, represent the speakers'
perceptions. To many, Americans are seen as cold and uncaring. Because
perceptions and native value and belief systems play such important roles in
communication, it is important to recognize and deal with these perceptions-correct
or incorrect, fair or unfair.
In the following part of this chapter the
concept of value orientations will be explored. This will be followed by a
review of the major value orientations associated with people from the United States. These orientations will be contrasted with those of other culture groups.
Such an approach to cross-cultural variations in values and beliefs is far more
productive than flat denial or even anger, as we form evaluative frames of
reference for ourselves and hold them up to the frames of others we shall, at
the very least, learn a great deal about ourselves.
VALUE ORIENTATIONS
Compiling a list of cultural values, beliefs,
attitudes, and assumptions would be an almost endless and quite unrewarding
endeavor. Writers in the field of intercultural communication have generally
adopted the concept of value orientations suggested by Florence Kluckhohn and
Fred Strodtbeck (1961).
In setting forth a value orientation approach
to cross-cultural variation, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961:10) pointed out
that such a theory was based upon three assumptions:
1. There are a limited number of human
problems to which all cultures must find solutions.
2. The limited number of solutions may be
charted along a range or Continuum of variations.
3. Certain solutions are favored by members
in any given culture group but all potential solutions are present in every
culture.
In their schema, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck
suggested that values around five universal human problems involving man's
relationship to the environment, human nature, time, activity, and human
interaction. The authors further proposed that the orientations of any society
could be charted along these dimensions. Although variability could be found
within a group, there were always dominant or preferred positions.
Culture-specific profiles could be constructed. Such profiles should not be
regarded as statements about individual behavior, but rather as tendencies
around which social behavioral norms rules values, beliefs, and assumptions are
clustered. As such, they might influence individual behavior as other cultural
givens do; like other rules, they may be broken, changed, or ignored.
In the Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck
classification, three focal points in the range of variations are posited for
each type of orientation. In the man-to-nature continuum variations range from
a position of human mastery over nature, to harmony with nature, to subjugation
to nature. Most industrialized societies represent the mastery orientation; the
back-to-nature counterculture of young adults during the 1960s and 1970s, the
harmonious stance; and many peasant populations, the subjugation orientation.
The time dimension offers stops at the past,
present, and future. Human nature orientation is charted along a continuum
stretching from good to evil with some of both in the middle. The activity
orientation moves from doing to being-becoming to being. Finally, the
relational orientation ranges from the individual to the group with concern
with the continuation of the group, as an intermediate focal point.
Value orientations only represent" good
guesses" about why people act the way they do. Statements made or scales
constructed are only part of an "as if" game. That is to say, people
act as if they believed in a given set of value. Because the individuals in any
cultural group exhibit great variation, any of the orientations suggested might
well be found in nearly every culture. It is the general pattern that is
sought. Value orientations are important to us as intercultural communicators
because often whatever one believes, values, and assumes are the crucial
factors in communication.
CONTRASTIVE ORIENTATlONS
Let us take some American cultural patterns
that have been identified as crucial in cross-cultural communication and
consider what assumptions, values, and attitudes support them. Edward C.
Stewart was a pioneer in examining such American behavior in a cross-cultural
perspective. His book - American Cultural Patterns. This book describes
dominant characteristics of middle class Americans. Stewart distinguishes
between cultural assumptions and values and what he called cultural norms.
Cultural norms are explicit a repeatedly invoked by
people to describe or justify their actions. They represent instances in which
the behavior and the value attached to it seem at odds. Stewart writes,
“Because cultural norms are related to behavior as cliches, rituals or as
cultural platitudes, they provide inaccurate descriptions of behavior”. He
points out that Americans are devoted to the concept of self-reliance but
accept social security, borrow money, and expect a little help from their
friends. Culture bearers are usually more aware of their cultural norms than
their systems of values and assumptions. As Stewart explains, "being
fundamental to the individual's outlook, they [the assumptions and values] are
likely to be considered as a part of the real world and therefore remain
unquestioned".
Table 1,
illustrates some of the general value orientations identified with North
Americans. The left-hand column indicates what the polar point of the
orientational axis might represent. The Contrast American column does not describe
any particular culture, but rather represents an opposite orientation. Of
course, the American profile is drawn in broad strokes and describes the
mainstream culture; ethnic diversity is of necessity blurred in this sweeping
treatment.
Thus, with the reservations noted above, it
can be said that in the relationship of human beings and nature, Americans
assume and thus value and believe in doing something about environmental
problems. Nature can and should be changed. In addition, change is right and good
and to be encouraged. That toe pace of change has increased to a bewildering
point in the United States at the present time presents problems, but, as yet,
change has not been seen as particularly detrimental.
Equality of opportunity is linked to individualism,
lack of rigid hierarchies informality, and other cultural givens. It is
manifested in American laws regarding social conduct, privacy, and opportunity.
This contrasts with an ascriptive social order in which class and birth provide
the bases for social control and interaction.
The achievement orientation calls for
assessment of personal achievement, a latter-day Horatio Alger (Lee Iacocca)
orientation. A future orientation is joined to the positive value accorded
change and action. Directness and openness are contrasted to a more
consensus-seeking approach in which group harmony is placed above solving
problems.
Cause-and-effect logic joined to a
problem-solving orientation and a pragmatic approach to problems defines the
much-vaunted scientific method. Intuition and other approaches to evidence,
fact, and "truth" are associated with being orientations and
philosophical approaches to knowledge and knowing. Competition and a
do-it-yourself approach to life are well served by a future orientation, individualism,
and the desire for change.
The statements above simply point out some
very general orientations that have
driven and, to some degree, still guide North American society. Change is
always in the air. Many have pointed out, as Stewart himself does, that these
orientations represent white middle class American values. They do. They serve
the purpose, however, of providing a frame of reference for cross-cultural
comparison.
Table 2
offers a contrastive look at some American and Japanese values.
Such culture-specific contrast alerts us to
the need to examine our cultural values and assumptions from the perspective of
others. As one studies the dimensions of contrast, one cannot help but marvel
at the communication that does take place despite such diversity. Okabe, in
drawing upon Japanese observations about some well-known American values,
reveals a new perspective to us. For example, the bamboo whisk and octopus pot
metaphors refer to a reaching out tendency in the United States as opposed to
the drawing inward of the Japanese.
Omote means
outside and omote / ura combines both the inside and outside world. In
the heterogeneous, egalitarian, sasara-type, doing, pushing culture of
the United States, there is no distinction between the omote and the ura
aspects of culture. In the hierarchical takotsubo-type, being, pulling
culture of Japan, a clear-cut distinction should always be made between the omote
and the ura dimensions of culture, the former being public, formal, and
conventional, and the latter private, informal, and unconventional. The
Japanese tend to conceive of the ura world as being more real, more
meaningful.
Interpersonal relationships contrast on the
basis of the role of the individual and group interaction. Japanese patterns
are characterized by formality and complementary relationships that stress the
value of dependence or amae. Amae is the key to understanding
Japanese society. The concept of amae underlies the Japanese emphasis on
the group over the individual, the acceptance of constituted authority, and the
stress on particularistic rather than universalistic relationships. In the
homogenous, vertical society of Japan the dominant value is conformity to or
identity with the group. The Japanese insist upon the insignificance of the
individual. Symmetrical relationships focus on the similarities of
individuals; complementary relationships exploit differences in age, sex, role
and status. There are many ways in which the Japanese publicly acknowledge a
social hierarchy-in the use of language, in seating arrangements at social
gatherings, in bowing to one another and hundreds of others. Watch Japanese each
other and the principles will become quite apparent. Notice who bows lower, who
waits for the other to go first, who apologizes more: (1) younger defers to
older; (2) female defers to male; (3) student defers to teacher; (4); the
seller's bow is lower than the buyer's; and (6) in a school club or
organization where ranks are fixed, the lower ranked is, of course, subordinate.
These features of interpersonal relationships lead to an emphasis on the public
self in the United States and on the private self in Japan, Americans being
more open in the demonstration of personal feelings and attitudes than the
Japanese.
Let us look to this question in detail.
JAPANESE INTERPERSONAL NORMS
Numerous studies by
social scientists of national character or culture have appeared in recent years, initially as a response
to the need for knowledge of enemy countries in
World War II. Most of these studies have is
asked a substantive question: what is the nature of the behavior shared by all, or a majority, of the members of a national
society? Once this shared behavior is "discovered," its written
description becomes an outline of the national
culture of that country. This approach has been extensively criticized on the grounds that the behavior of the
members of any complex society is so
variable that any attempt to describe the shared items results in superficial generalization. Critics have also
pointed out that descriptions of
national cultures frequently consist of statements of norms only, and do not
denote actual behavior.
At
this point in the account of our own research it is necessary to raise questions
about the nature of national cultures. However, we shall not attempt to claim that our answer to these will be
valid for all members of the
Japanese nation. We do claim validity for our own subjects and are also willing to guess that much of what we say
will apply to the majority of Japanese men who were socialized in prewar
and wartime Japan in families of the middle
and upper income brackets. We shall not claim that our subjects necessarily behaved in the manner
suggested, for the description
itself pertains to norms or principles and not to behavior. In a subsequent section we shall provide a description and
analysis of the behavior of our
subjects with reference to these norms.
This
procedure implies the concept of a "cultural model": essentially a
highly generalized description of principles, shared by a large number of people and maintained in the form of personal values. To
some degree these principles or
norms constitute guides or rules for behavior: sometimes followed literally, sometimes not, but always
available as a generalized
protocol for use by the individual in finding his way through social relationships and in judging the acts of others.
The
first half of the model we shall construct pertains to the patterns of interpersonal
relations in the two societies, Japan and America. We recognize that as representatives of the class of modern industrial
nations, these two countries have cultures very similar in many
respects. The Japanese are, in fact, often
called the "Americans of the Orient," a phrase referring to
their industrious orientation toward life and nature; their interest in
mass-cultural pursuits like baseball; and their success with capitalist enterprise in a collectivist world.
Similarities in all these areas are a fact— but it is equally apparent
that some significant differences have
existed in other aspects of social life in the two countries. Among these
differences the norms and patterns of interpersonal behavior are probably the greatest. Thus, while a Japanese and
an American may share an interest in
baseball which brings them closer together that either one might be to a member of some other nation, the two
may differ so widely in their habits
of behavior in social situations that communication between them may be seriously impeded.
Studies of Japanese social
norms have revealed the following general features: articulate codification of
the norms; strong tendencies toward a
face-to-face, or "primary group" type of intimacy; an emphasis upon
hierarchical status positions; concern for the importance of status; elative
permanence of status once established; and "behavioral reserve" or
discipline. These will be discussed in order.
articulate codification of rules
During
the long Tokugawa period of
centralized feudalism, Japanese patterns of interpersonal behavior underwent an elaborate institutionalization. The
Shogunate attempted to fix
the position of each class with respect to the others and established written rules of behavior for its members. The family
system had developed historically along patrilineal
lines, and during Tokugawa times such patterns of relations between kin were
proclaimed as an official social code. After
the Meiji Restoration, the samurai class in control of the nation maintained
these formalized rules and even elevated them to the status of an idealized spiritual expression of the Japanese ethos.
The reason for this enhancement of the Tokugawa code after the Restoration lay in the need to preserve and strengthen
national discipline and unity as a
practical policy in industrialization and other aspects of modernization. Thus, Japan moved into her modern era in
possession of a system of rules of
social behavior based on feudal and familial principles.
It is
necessary to note that this system of codified rules was consistently adhered to in actual behavior by only a minority of the
population: the samurai and nobility. The remainder of the population followed
the rules in part, or only in
"public" situations where the pressure for conformity was strong. In the decades subsequent to the Restoration
a generalized version of the code was
adopted by the developing business and official classes, and this is the situation which continues to
prevail in Japan today (although
since the Occupation a considerable liberalization of social behavior can be found in all classes and groups). Since the
student subjects of-the research
project were persons from upper- and middle-class groups socialized in prewar and wartime Japan, we can use the
gross aspects of this social code as a backdrop for the
interpretation of their behavior. The
strength and the influence of this code were enhanced further by the
fact that up to the period of the Occupation, no large migration to Japan of Westerners had occurred. In this
situation relatively few Japanese were presented with the need to learn
the modes of interaction of other societies—particularly the more
"open" type of the Western nations.
This isolation was intensified during the militarist-nationalist epoch of the
1930s and 1940s, in which the social code was given renewed emphasis as a counter-measure against liberal
trends. The codified norms— on or ascribed obligation; giri or
contractual obligation; chu or loyalty to one's superior; ninjo
or humane sensibility; and enryo or modesty and reserve in the presence of the superior—were incorporated in the school
curriculum as ethical doctrine, and exemplified in a multitude of cultural expressions.
primary associative qualities
An
important aspect of Japanese social norms
may be described in Western sociological terms as that of "primary association." Emphasis upon personal qualities,
obligations between subordinate and superior, and
distinctions based on age or sibling birth-order
are features suited to the atmosphere of a small, highly interactive social group, like the family or a feudal manor.
It goes without saying that in the
modern mass society of Japan these rules have not always been observed, but the fact is that to an extraordinary
degree the Japanese have succeeded
in organizing present-day society into small, cell-like groupings, in which highly personalized relationships are
governed by an explicit code of
behavior. Even in impersonal situations, as in labor organizations, rules of primary associative type have been used
at least symbolically as models for interaction and responsibility.
hierarchy
If
Japanese social norms present an image of society in the character of a primary group, it is at least a
hierarchically organized primary group—one in which
there are explicit gradations of status from superior
to inferior. The family is ideally organized on patrilineal-patriarchal principles, with the father as dominant,
the eldest son superordinate to the younger, and so on. Primogeniture
was the law of the land until the Occupation period, and, even though no longer
so, it is still followed in a great many
cases.
Japanese
business firms, government bureaus, and many universities and schools are organized in ways reminiscent of this
familial model; or their organization
may be more closely related historically to feudal or lord-vassal principles. In such cases the employee and
the employer, chief and underling, or teacher and pupil
occupy positions which carry with them
defined and ascribed rights and duties, in which the superior generally occupies a paternalistic and authoritarian
role. The term sensei means teacher, or mentor, but its wide application
to people outside of the teaching profession suggests its connotation of
benevolent but stern authority and
superiority. Likewise the term oyabun ("parent-status" or
"parent-surrogate"), while strictly appropriate only for certain
types of economic groups, is often
applied to any highly paternalistic superior.
concern for status
All
this would imply, of course, very considerable preoccupation
with matters of social status. It is necessary or at least desirable for every
Japanese to know his own status in the interaction situation, since it is in
status that one finds the cues for reciprocal behavior. To put this in
sociological terms, there exists a very close tie between status and role: the
role behavior expected of one in a given status
position is clearly defined and there are relatively few permitted alternatives or variations from the pattern (when
alternatives are present, they, too,
are often very clearly defined). Thus the behavior of a person of a given status in a social relationship, can
constitute familiar and unmistakable cues for the appropriate behavior
of a person of another status.
Concern
with status is evidenced further by the incorporation into the Japanese language of a multitude of forms expressing
varying degrees of politeness, levels of formality and
respect, and subservience or dominance.
This type of language dramatizes status differences between persons by the use of such devices as honorific suffixes,
special verb endings, and differing
pronouns. To mention only the most commonly used forms for designating the second person singular, there
are anata, omae, kimi, kisama, and temai. The proper use of each of these
forms depends upon the relative status of the speaker and the particular
situation in which the conversation
or interaction takes place. Status in language depends upon age, sex, and class differences, as well as on the
degree of intimacy and the extent of
formal obligation existing between those communicating.
relative permanence of status
Once
status positions are clearly defined,
the parties holding these statuses are expected to occupy them for very long periods—often throughout life. A superior, for
example one's professor, retains strong
symbolic hierarchical precedence throughout the life
of both parties, even when the student has become a professional equal in productivity, rank, and pay. Subtle
changes in status of course occur,
and we do not wish to make too sweeping a generalization. However, as
compared with the fluid patterns typical of Western society, Japanese
society-possesses considerably more orderly and predictable allocations of status—or at least the
expectations of this.
behavioral reserve and discipline
A
"tight" social organization based on concern with status and hierarchy is by necessity one
in which social behavior tends to
be governed more by norms, or public expectancies, and
less by free or idiosyncratic- response to a given situation. At the same time, a system of this kind requires
institutional outlets in the event that
obligations, duties, status relationships, and the like, for one reason or another, may be unclear or not yet defined.
The Japanese have utilized, for this
purpose, the concept of enryo, loosely translatable as “hesitance” or
"reserve." The development of this pattern in Japanese culture is of particular importance for our problem here.
The original meaning of enryo
pertained to the behavior of the subordinate in hierarchical status relations.
The subordinate was expected to show
compliant obsequiousness toward the superior: he should hold his temper, check any aggressive response to
frustration (and of course, bide his time). This pattern of behavior may be
manifested by Japanese when they
interact with persons of their own or any society whom they regard as superior in status. Whenever the
presumption is that a superior person occupies the "alter"
status, enryo is likely to be observed by "ego".
Now,
as Japan entered the stage of industrialization, with its expanded
opportunities for individual enterprise and mobility (a process still under
way), social situations became more complicated, more ambiguous, and more violative of the traditional rules and behavioral
prescriptions. Since at the same time the basic
hierarchical, primary-group character of the norms prevailed, there emerged
strong needs for adjustive behavior. Enryo became
the escape-hatch: in the new ambiguity, behavioral reserve and noncommitment became the frequent
alternative, and the Japanese manifested such withdrawn, unresponsive
behavior in the event that a particular
interpersonal situation lacked clear designation of the statuses of ego
and alter. Much the same situation holds when the Japanese is overseas. Here, too, his behavior is frequently
characterized by enryo— often
concealing confusion and embarrassment over his ignorance of the social
rules of the foreign society. Thus the "shyness" or reserved behavior often found in Japanese on the American
campus can be due either to the fact
that the Japanese views Americans, or certain Americans, as superior people; or to the fact that he is simply
not sure how to behave in American social situations, regardless of
status. The rule goes, when status is
unclear, it is safest to retreat into enryo. This form of response is
most typical of persons socialized in prewar and wartime Japan; the postwar generation, many of whom have grown up in the more liberal atmosphere of
the Occupation and after, are much more tolerant of ambiguity.
2. JAPANESE AND AMERICAN
PATTERNS OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR
We may
now view these normative patterns from a comparative cultural perspective. A
detailed description of the American norms will not be
required, since it may be presumed that the reader has sufficient familiarity with them. We shall select those
American rules of interpersonal
behavior that are "opposites" to the Japanese patterns just
described. In a later section we
shall discuss cases of similarity.
There is among Americans a
tendency toward an initial egalitarian response
oil the part of "ego": two persons are presumed to be equal unless proven otherwise. (The Japanese norms
contain an opposite premise: when status is vague, inequality is expected.) In
practice this egalitarian principle in American interpersonal behavior
leads to what the Japanese might perceive
as fluidity and unpredictability of behavior-in interaction, and highly variable or at least less apparent concern for
status. Things like wealth, public
versus private situations, and a host of other features may all in the American case, influence the behavior of ego and
alter in ways which are not subject
to predicate codification, Allowance is
made continually for subtle changes in roles of those interacting, with a strain toward equalization if hierarchical
differences appear. Thus, while in
social situations the Japanese may find it difficult to communicate unless
status differences are clear, the American, in view of his egalitarian preference, may point to and actually experience status
difference as a source of
interpersonal tension and difficulty in communication. Thus the Japanese may see the free flow of communication as
enhanced by clear status understandings; the American may view it
instead as requiring maximal intimacy and freedom
of expression.
Finally,
reserve or discipline is in some cases much less apparent in American social behavior. Initially, outward display of
feeling is encouraged, and' reserve
may develop after status differences are recognized. Once
again the Japanese may proceed on an approximately opposite principle: behavioral freedom and expressivity
become a potentiality after statuses
are clearly differentiated—especially when equality is achieved— but not before. Moreover, even when statuses are
clear to the Japanese participants in
social relations, interaction often continues to be hesitant and guarded. (Important institutionalized
exceptions to the general rule of avoidance are found in the frank
behavior tolerated in sake parties, behavior
of the male guest and his geisha partner, and a few others.)
In
American interpersonal behavior the patterns of tact, obsequiousness, and
other forms of retiring behavior are seen continually, but they are often much more situational and idiosyncratic.
Americans lack a concept
with the generalized cultural meaning of enryo; reserve may be a useful form of behavior for some people, but not others, or
in some situations; it may be associated with status
differences, or it may not. And when this reserve is associated with status
positions (and in the presence of hierarchical
patterns generally), Americans are likely to express attitudes of guilt or regret, or are likely to conceal the
existence of such patterns by
verbally reaffirming egalitarian principles. Moreover, some American normative attitudes frown on
"manipulative" tendencies; frankness, openness, and humility are valued highly, if not
always observed. Quotations from
interviews with student subjects (sojourners and returnees) may serve to indicate the Japanese perspective
on their own and the American
patterns of interpersonal behavior.
Q.: What did you like about America that you didn't about Japan?
A.: Well, it's hard to
give concrete examples, but mainly I was satisfied with what you might call the smartness of life— the modernness of
things. And also the simplicity and frankness of life. You don't have to
worry about gimu-giri-on [obligations] over there ... In the United States you have to visit relatives too, but such visits are more
personal, more real— more meaningful. Here in Japan they are for the sake of girt and righteousness and all that stuff.
Q.:
Could you define the term "Americanized" as it
is used by Japanese students?
A.: Well, to be
Americanized means to be indifferent to social position-indifferent to social formality — such as in formal greetings. It
concerns points about how one acts
socially.
This
is about human relations — it didn't surprise me but it did impress me very
much to find that relations with others are always on an equal plane in the U.S. In Japan I automatically used polite language with seniors so that this just seemed natural— and if I used polite
words in Japan I didn't necessarily feel that this was feudalistic— though some
do. At first in the U.S. when young
people, like high school students, talked to me as an equal, I felt conflicted,
or in the dormitory it surprised me to see a boy of 20 talk to a man of
45 as an equal.
In Japan, my father and some of my superiors often told me that my attitude toward superiors
and seniors was too rude. Here, though, my attitude doesn't seem rude— at least
it doesn't appear as rude as I was afraid it would. It is easier to get along with people in America, because for one thing,
Americans are not so class
conscious and not so sensitive about things like status. In Japan, my conduct to superiors seemed rude, but the same behavior isn’t rude here. For
instance here it is all right simply to say "hello" to teachers,
while in Japan I would be expected to say “ohayo gozaimasu"
[polite form of "good morning"] with a deep bow. In Japan I did things like this only when I really respected
somebody.
A main
problem with me is the problem of enryo, or what you call modesty. Even in life in America you have to be modest, but in a
different way from the so-called Japanese enryo. But the trouble is that
I don't know when and where we have
to show enryo in American life. You never can be sure.
The
good thing about associating with Americans is that you can be friendly in
a light manner. Not so in Japan. Japanese are nosey in other peoples' business—they
rumor, gossip. It gives you a crowded feeling, after you get back. Of course in
Japan friendships are usually deep— it is good to have a real friend to lean on— you know where you stand with
your friends; it is the opposite of
light associations.
I have
few American friends— those I have are usually Americans who have been
to Japan. I think the reason is that my character is somewhat backward.
I don't try to speak first,
but let the other fellow open up. Those who have been to Japan know about this and speak first, and that makes it easier
to start an association.
From the information on
contrasting cultural norm and cue systems supplied thus far, it is possible
to predict in a general way that I
when a Japanese interacts with an American, certain blockages to communication and to the correct assessment of status
behavior may occur. Japanese are
likely to confront Americans with unstated assumptions concerning status differences, while the American may
be inclined to accept the Japanese
at face value—that is, as a person, not a status. In the resulting confusion it may be anticipated that the Japanese
will retreat into what he calls enryo,
since this form of behavior involving attenuated communication is appropriate toward persons of unclear or
superior status.
THE NATIONAL STATUS IMAGE
For reasons usually found in
the cultural background of the peoples concerned,
and in the historical relations of nations, there is a tendency on the part of some to view other nations and
peoples much as one would view
persons in a hierarchically oriented social group. Modernization, which
brings an increased need for knowledge of other peoples, has brought as well a strong sense of competition—a
desire to know where one stands, or where one's nation stands relative
to other nations in technological and other
areas of development. This desire to know one's position and the tendency to
view other nations hierarchically are probably found to some degree in all modern societies, but may be
exaggerated among those nations that
are in the middle ranks in the competitive race for modernization—and particularly in those societies which have incorporated into their own culture a strong
hierarchical conception of status.
Thus, in societies with
hierarchical patterns, there will occur certain established techniques which
are defined as appropriate for governing behavior
toward the nationals of countries judged either to be higher or lower than that
of the actor. On the other hand, for societies with egalitarian ideals
of social relations, while there may be a tendency in the national popular ideology to view other nations
hierarchically in terms of power and
progress, there will be no ready behavioral pattern to follow toward individual members of these other
societies. Ideally, regardless of national
origin, individuals will be considered as "human beings," theoretically
equal. Such theoretical equality is often violated in practice, of course, but the violations are based not on
systematic hierarchical conceptions,
but on transitory and situationally determined attitudes.
The
Japanese tendency to locate other nations on a hierarchical scale is well known, and is observable even at the level of
formal diplomatic interchange. With respect to the
Japanese attitude toward the United States,
the tendency toward a superordinate status percept is very strong —although
qualified and even reversed in certain contexts (American arts and literature have been viewed as of questionable
merit, for example) and in certain historical periods. The historical
basis for this generally high-status
percept may be found in America's historic role in the opening of Japan; in the use of America as a model for much of Japan's modernization; and in the participation and
guidance of the United States in reform and
reconstruction during the Occupation. America, though not always a country for which the Japanese feel great
affection, has come to be a symbol
of many of Japan's aspirations, as well as a "tutor" whom the "pupil"
must eventually excel (or even conquer). Therefore, whatever the specific affectual response, we have found
that the Japanese student subjects often perceived America as deserving of respect or at least respect-avoidance (enryo), and were
further inclined to project this image onto
the American individual. Evidence of these views available in our
research data is sampled at the end of this section, in the form of quotations from interviews.
Within tolerable limits of
generally, America may be specified as a society
in which egalitarian interpersonal relationships are the ideal pattern
and, in tendency at least, the predominant pattern of behavior. But in the United States, especially as the country
emerges from political isolation,
there also has appeared a tendency to rate other nations in a rough hierarchical
order. Thus, some European nations in the spheres of art, literature, and the
manufacture of sports cars would be acclaimed by many Americans as superior, and Americans are increasingly concerned about their technological position vis-a-vis Russia. However, this tendency to rate other
nations hierarchically does not automatically translate itself into
code of behavior for Americans to follow toward the people of other countries, as is the case for many Japanese. It may
leave the social situation a little
confused for the Americans, but in the background of thinking for many individual Americans is the notion that in social relations people should be treated
initially as equals.
A CULTURAL MODEL OF
INTERACTION
When a person from a
national society with hierarchical tendencies encounters
a person from a society with egalitarian tendencies, and moreover when the country of the latter is generally
"high" in the estimation of the former, the idealized paradigm
as shown in Figure 1 would be approximated. In this diagram, X, the person from
a country with egalitarian views, behaves toward Y, the person from a
hierarchically oriented country, as if he
occupied the same "level"; that is, in equalitarian terms.
Figure
1.
But Y perceives X in a
high-status position X1, "above" X's image of his own status in the relationship.
Since from Y's point of view X does
not behave as he "ought" to—he behaves as an equal rather than as a superior—Y may be expected to feel confusion and
disorientation. The confusion can be
resolved readily only by Y's assuming an equal status with X, or by X's
assuming the position X1 assigned to him by Y; i.e., either by closing or by validating the
"arc of status-cue confusion" shown by the arrow.
The
reader will note that in effect we have already substituted "average American" for X, and "average Japanese"
for Y. We have found that the diagram
has been meaningful as an ideal model for the analysis of interaction
patterns between Japanese and Americans. In many cases the conditions denoted by the diagram were actually
found: Americans do behave toward Japanese as equals, while the Japanese
perceive the Americans as, and in
some cases expect them to behave like, superiors. In this ideal situation since the Japanese is
generally not able to respond as an
equal, and since withdrawal and distant respect are proper behavior both for interaction with superiors and for
interaction in situations where status
is ambiguous, he simply retires into enryo and communication is impaired.
This model does much to explain what many educators and foreign student counsellors have come to feel as "typical"
behavior of the shy, embarrassed
Japanese student on the American campus.
A revealing interchange on
the matter of status imagery by some twelve
Japanese sojourner students was recorded during a two-hour group discussion
planned by the project but not attended by Americans. A translation of part of this interchange follows.
M: As
I see it, Japanese think of Americans as nobility. So, it is hard to accept invitations because of the status difference.
K: I don't agree fully.
Americans are not nobility to us, but they do have a higher social status, so that it is hard to accept invitations. But
there is a "category" of persons who are known and placed as
"foreign students," and we can take advantage of this general foreign student status and go to
American homes and places.
N: During foreign student
orientation we came and went as we desired as "foreign
students." But here, as an individual person, I have felt it necessary to return invitations which are extended to me, and
this I find very difficult since I
have no income and must return the invitation in a manner suited to the status
of the person.
M: Only if the invitation is
from Americans who we can accept as status equals
to us should it be returned. . . . American table manners are difficult to learn,
and it is a problem similar to that encountered by anyone who attempts to enter
a higher social class in Japan. . . . Japanese just can't stand on an equal footing with Americans. ... I
wouldn't want an American janitor to see my house in Japan. It is so miserable.
N: Why? That seems extreme.
M:
Because I have social aspirations. I am a "climber." A Japanese house
in Tokyo is too dirty to invite an
American to—for example, could I invite him to use my poor bathroom? (General
laughter)
At a
later point in the discussion, the following emerged:
Mrs.
N: I have watched American movies in Japan and in the United States I have seen American men—and they
all look like Robert Taylor. No Japanese men look like Robert Taylor.
M:
Again I say it is not a matter of beauty, but one of status.
Mrs.
N: No, it is not status—not calculation of economic worth or anything —but of beauty. Americans are more beautiful—they look
nicer than Japanese.
U: It is the same in other
things. Americans look nice, for example, during an oral examination in college. They look more attractive. Japanese
look down, crushed, ugly.
At a
still later point, one of the discussants embarked on a long monologue on the ramifications of the status problem. Part
of this monologue runs as follows:
A high-status Japanese man
going out with American girls knows something of what he must do—for example,
he must be polite—but he does not know the language so he can be no competition
to American men, who will be superior. In an emergency, for example, the
Japanese male regresses to Japanese
behavior. Great Japanese professors are embarrassed for the first few months
in the United States because they can't even beat American college juniors
in sociable behavior or expression of ideas. They don't know the language, they
feel inferior. These people, forgetting that they were unable "to defeat America, become highly antagonistic to the United States. . . .They reason that Japan must be superior, not inferior to the United States, because they are unable to
master it. While in America, of course, they may write home about their
wonderful times and experiences — to hide their real feelings. Actually while they are in the U.S. they feel as though
they were nothing.
Some
quotations from two different interviews with another subject:
Before
I came to the States, I expected that whatever I would do in the U.S. would be observed by Americans and would become their
source of knowledge of Japan and the Japanese. So I thought
I had to be careful. In the dormitory, there
is a Nisei boy from whom I ask advice about my manners and clothing! I asked
him to tell me any time when my body smells or my clothing is dirty. I, as a Japanese, want to look nice to Americans.
In general, I think I do
less talking than the others in my courses. I'm always afraid that if I raise questions along the lines of Japanese thinking
about the subject—or simply from my
own way of looking at something—it might raise some question on the part of .the others. When talking to a
professor I can talk quite freely,
but not in class. I am self-conscious.
These specimen quotations
help to show that quite frequently the perspective
of many Japanese students toward America has some of the qualities of
the triangular model of interaction. Regardless of how our Japanese subjects may have behaved, or learned to
behave, they harbored, as a picture in the back of their minds, an image
of the Americans as people a notch or two
"above" Japan and the Japanese. Thus even while a Japanese may "look down" on what he
calls "American materialism," he may "in the back of his
mind" continue to "look up" to the United States and its people as a whole, as a
"generalized other." Our cultural model of interaction is thus
felt to be a very fundamental and highly generalized
component of imagery, as well as a very generalized way of describing
the behavior of Japanese and Americans in certain typical interactive situations.
Quite obviously the model,
taken by itself, would be a very poor instrument
of prediction of the actual behavior of a particular Japanese with Americans. It is apparent that there would
have to be a considerable knowledge
of situational variability, amount of social learning, and many other
factors before all the major variants of Japanese social behavior in America with respect to status could be
understood. While there is no need
to seek complete predictability of individual behavior, some attempt may be made to show how the social behavior of the
Japanese subjects of research did vary in actual social situations in America, and to see if these variants followed a
consistent pattern.
Here is
a list of values that some visitors from other cultures have noticed are common
to many Americans:
Informality
(being casual and down-to-earth) Self-reliance (not
looking to others to solve your problems) Efficiency (getting things done
quickly and on time) Social
equality (treating everyone the
same) Assertiveness (saying what's on your mind) Optimism (believing
that the best will always happen)
SEVEN
STATEMENTS ABOUT AMERICANS
Here
is a list of comments a non-American might make about an Americans:
1. Americans
are always in such a hurry to get things done!
2. Americans
insist on treating everyone the same.
3. Americans
always have to say what they're thinking!
4. Americans
always want to change things.
5. Americans
don't show very much respect for their elders.
6. Americans
always think things are going to get better. They are so optimistic!
7. Americans
are so impatient!
Reasons
some cultural anthropologists have offered to explain why Americans may appear
the way they do to people from other
cultures.
1. Americans
are always in such a hurry to get things done!
Americans
often seem this way because of their tendency to use achievements and
accomplishments as a measure of a person's worth. They're in a hurry to get
things done because it's only then that they feel they have proven their worth
to other people. The more Americans accomplish, the more they feel they are
respected.
2.
Americans insist on treating everyone the same.
Americans
do this because of our cultural roots as a free nation (e.g., "All men are
created equal"). Americans have a
deep cultural instinct toward social equality and not having a class system.
Ibis is a reaction to the European
class system as well as the feudal system that existed in Europe. In cultures
where inequality between social
classes is more accepted, American insistence on egalitarianism, or social
equality, may be annoying.
3.
Americans always have to say what they're thinking!
Americans
believe that being direct is the most efficient way to communicate. It's
important to "tell it like it is" and "speak your mind" — to say what you mean
and mean what you say. Being direct is often valued over "beating around the bush." Americans value
"assertiveness" and being open and direct about one's droughts and
feelings. Not all cultures have this same value. In some cultures, the
"normal" way to disagree or to say no is to say nothing or be very indirect.
4.
Americans always want to change things.
Americans
mink things can always be better, and that progress is inevitable. The United States is just a little more than 200 years old, and American culture tends to be an
optimistic one. Older cultures are more skeptical because they have been around longer, have experienced more, and
have been in situations in which progress was not always made. In American businesses, being open to change
is a strong value, because things really do change quickly, and it is necessary
to adapt. Many Americans believe it is "good" to initiate change and
"bad" to resist it.
5.
Americans don't show very much respect for their elders.
Americans
believe people must earn by their actions whatever regard or respect they are
given. Merely attaining a certain
age or holding a certain position does not in itself signify achievement.
6.
Americans always think things are going to get better. They are so optimistic!
America, because of its resources and successes, has always had
a culture of optimism. Americans believe that they are in control of their own destinies, rather than
being victims of fate. Many Americans tend to believe that "the American dream" can be achieved by anyone
who is willing to work hard enough. Many Americans believe mat the only obstacle to things getting better is
"not trying hard enough." Americans also believe that a personal lack
of determination or effort can be "fixed." Other cultures may believe
more in fate ("what will be will be"). When something bad happens,
some members of these cultures believe it was fated to happen, must be
accepted, and cannot be changed.
7.
Americans are so impatient!
Americans
believe that if things take a long time to do, they won't be able to do enough
of them. Many Americans believe that more and faster is better. They do not
like to stand in line and wait, and they originated "fast food."
Americans believe that "getting things done" (and doing them quickly)
may be more important than other things. Many other cultures believe that
slower is better and that building and maintaining relationships takes priority
over "getting things done" at the expense of relationships.
Americans are. . . (students of different
countres)
What response would you give to these
students? Do you consider their observations biased? naive? limited? unfair?
interesting? useless?
Student No.1-from Saudi Arabia: "I have
learned three important things about Americans since I came to the United States. First, I have learned that all Americans are lively; they move and speak
quickly, because time is very important to them. Second, Americans are the same
as the machine, they do their work worthily but without any thinking, they just
use the instructions even if it is not completely right. Finally, they do not
know anything except their job, they do not know what is happened in their
country."
Student No.2-from Venezuela: "I have
observed that Americans are polite, pragmatic, and organized. Wherever you are
in the United States you can hear words of friendship and cordiality like,
"May I help you?", "Excuse me", "Have a nice
day.", "Thank you", and many others. Another characteristic is
their pragmatism. Along years, Americans have worked a lot in order to create
many devices which have made their life more comfortable. These devices not
only save time but they also make things easier. Last, but never least,
Americans are very organized. Perhaps, for the same fact that they are very
pragmatic people, they have developed different ways of organization that
assure them better services. "
Student No.3-from Japan: "I have been
learning about Americans since I came here last September. First, Americans
don't care what other people do or what happened. For example, when I come out
of my room my roommate never ask me where you are going or where I went.
Second, Americans are friendly and open-minded. When I went to my roommate's
home, I was welcomed by her family. Her mother said to me immediately:
"Help yourself to everything in my home," and I was surprised to hear
it. I thought that the words indicated friendliness. In Japan we never open refrigerators or use my friend's things without permissions, because to
serve is a virtue in my country. Third, Americans like cards, sometimes I can
find cards are delivered to my American friends without special reasons. As far
as I look at Americans, they seem not to care what other people do as a whole,
while they think it's important to keep relation-ships between them and their
friends and them and their parents."
AMERICANS AND MONEY
MARY'S FEELING
BLUE
Mary Rathbun, 57, spent a restless night in
the San Francisco jail thinking about the "magical cookies" that she
baked to add to her fixed income. "The police wouldn't let me have one
before I went to jail," she said. "I might have slept better if they
had." Mary started her home baking business six months ago after a back
injury forced her to quit her job as a grave-yard shift waitress. "I was a
waitress for 43 years. I was good at it."
Mary's dozen magical brownies, which were
baked with a lot of marijuana, were taken Wednesday night from her apartment,
along with 20 pounds of pot and large amounts of sugar, margarine and flour.
Mary, who has no previous criminal record, admitted doing a great business out
of her home selling her "health food cookies." She said that she
wouldn't give away her special recipe.
Mary advertised her "original recipe
brownies" for $20 a dozen. Her lack of carefulness, especially taking
orders over the phone from anyone amazed and amused the police officers who
arrested her. "Life is a gamble.
I played by the rules for 57 years. Then I
gambled and lost."
True, Americans enjoy money and the things it
can buy. But in defense of the so-called materialistic American, one expert in
American culture points out, ". . . however eager we are to make money, we
are just as eager to give it away. Any world disaster finds Americans writing
checks to relieve distress. Since the war we have seen the spectacle of the United States sending billions and billions of dollars' worth of goods to countries less
fortunate than we. Write some of it off, if you will, to a desire to buy
political sympathy; there is still an overplus of goodwill strictly and
uniquely American. Generosity and materialism run side by side."
The average American is also accused of being
"rough around the edges" -that is, of lacking sophistication in
manners and understanding of things cultural. He tries hard to polish those
edges through education and travel. But no matter how much he learns and sees,
his interests are less with the past than with the present and future, less
with the decorative than with the functional. He may be bored by medieval art
but fascinated by modern engineering. Foreigners will find him always ready to
compare cultures, though he may conclude that American methods are more
efficient and therefore better. In expressing his views, he may be blunt to the
point of rudeness. He admires efficiency and financial success. Eager to get as
much as possible for his time and money, he is sometimes impatient, tense, and
demanding. Often, he is in a hurry and unable to relax. His intensely
competitive outlook is probably his greatest fault. But one must give him
credit for his virtues: he is friendly, spontaneous, adaptable, efficient, energetic,
and kindhearted. All things considered, he is a likable guy.
Whose American Dream?
"All men are created equal," says
the Declaration of Independence.
This statement does not mean that all
human beings are equal in ability or ambition. It means, instead, that all
people should be treated equally before the law and given equal privileges and
opportunities, insofar as government can control these. In practice, this ideal
often does not work perfectly. There have always been those who would deny the
rights of others for their own self-interest. There are times when the American
people need to be reminded that any denial of basic rights is a weakening of
the total system. However, equal treatment and equal opportunity for all are
ideals toward which American society is moving ever closer.
The American belief in equality of
opportunity is illustrated by the Horatio Alger myth. Horatio Alger was a
nineteenth-century American novelist who wrote stories about poor boys who
became successful. His books told about the little newsboy or bootblack who,
because he was hardworking, honest, and lucky, grew up to become rich and
respected. These popular "rags-to-riches" stories exemplified the
American Dream-the belief that any individual, no matter how poor, can achieve
wealth and fame through diligence and virtue.
The "American Dream"
In the United States there is a belief that
people are rewarded for working, producing, and achieving. Many people believe
that there is equality of opportunity that allows anyone to become successful.
This belief is illustrated by stories written by a nineteenth-century American
novelist, Horatio Alger, who wrote about the" American Dream." In his
stories he described poor people who became rich because of their hard work,
honesty, and luck. The stories reinforced the idea that all individuals, no
matter how poor, were capable of becoming wealthy as long as they were diligent
and virtuous. For many Americans, however, Horatio Alger's "rags-to-riches"
stories do not represent the reality of opportunity. Many poor immigrants who
came to the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were able
to rise on the social and economic scales. Today, however, the poor generally
do not rise to the middle and upper classes. The" American Dream" is
now described as a myth; it is still difficult for several million Americans to
"get ahead."
Which Kind of University?
These excerpts provide two versions of life
on North American University campuses. Which version would be most helpful to
foreign students in general? Should a choice be made?
A college community is an interesting and
lively place. Students become involved in many different
activities-extracurricular, religious, social and athletic. Among the
extracurricular activities are college newspapers' musical organizations,
dramatic clubs, and political groups. Some of these have faculty advisers. Many
religious groups have their own meeting places where services and social
activities can be held. Student groups run parties of all types-from formal
dances to picnics. Most colleges have a student
union where students can get
together for lunch, study sessions, club meetings, and socializing.
At many schools, campus life revolves around
fraternities (social and, in some cases, residential clubs for men) and
sororities (similar clubs for women). These organizations exist on more than
500 campuses. The best known are national groups with many chapters at schools
throughout the country. Their names are Greek letters such as Alpha Delta Phi.
These groups have been much criticized for being cruel and prejudiced because
membership is limited and selective. A student must be invited to join. There
is often great competition among freshmen and sophomores who want to join.
Those who seek membership must go through rush (a period when prospective
members visit different houses to meet and be evaluated by current members).
The whole experience can be very painful if a student goes through rush and
then is not asked to pledge (become
a trial member of) any of the houses he or she has visited. Sororities and
fraternities also tend to limit membership to one particular racial and religious
group, thereby depriving its members of the wonderful opportunity that college
offers for broadening social contacts. However, these groups do help students
find friends of similar backgrounds; thus, they help combat loneliness for
those away from home.
Student life at American universities is chaotic
during the first week of each quarter or semester. Registering for classes,
becoming familiar with the buildings on campus, buying books, adding and
dropping classes, and paying fees are confusing for everyone. During this busy
period there is little time for students to anticipate what they will later
encounter in the classroom.
International students, accustomed to their
countries' educational expectations, must adapt to new classroom norms in a
foreign college or university. Whereas in one country prayer may be acceptable
in a classroom, in another it may be forbidden. In some classrooms around the
world students must humbly obey their teacher's commands and remain absolutely
silent during a class period. In others, students may talk, eat, and smoke
during lectures as well as criticize a teacher's methods or contradict his or
her statements. It is not always easy to understand a new educational system.
Diversity in Education
There is considerable variety in university
classrooms in the United States. Because of diverse teaching methods and non-standardized
curricula, no two courses are identical. Undergraduate courses are considerably
different from graduate courses. The classroom atmosphere in expensive,
private universities may differ from that in community colleges which are free
and open to everyone. State-funded universities have different requirements and
expectations than do parochial colleges. Nevertheless, there are shared features
in American college and university classrooms despite the diversity of
educational institutions of higher learning.
The differences between
cultures are leaded to misunderstandings in many points.
3. FACTORS INFLUENSING VALUES
INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION:
A GUIDE TO MEN OF ACTION
Anyone who has traveled
abroad or dealt at all extensively with non-Americans learns that punctuality
is variously interpreted. It is one thing to recognize this with the mind; to
adjust to a different kind of appointment time is quite another.
In Latin America, you should expect to spend
hours waiting in outer offices. If you bring your American interpretation of
what constitutes punctuality to a Latin-American office, you will fray your
temper and elevate your blood pressure. For a forty-five-minute wait is not
unusual -no more unusual than a five minute wait would be in the United States. No insult is intended, no arbitrary pecking order is being established. If,
in the United States, you would not be outraged by a five-minute wait, you
should not be outraged by the Latin-American's forty-five-minute delay in
seeing you. The time pie is differently cut, that's all.
Further, the Latin American doesn't usually
schedule individual appointments to the exclusion of other appointments. The
informal Clock of his upbringing ticks more slowly and he rather enjoys seeing
several people on different matters at the same time. The three-ring circus atmosphere
which results, if interpreted in the American's scale of time and propriety,
seems to signal him to go away, to tell him that h~ is not being properly
treated, to indicate that his dignity is under attack. Not so. The clock on the
wall may look the same but it tells a different sort of time.
The cultural error may be compounded by' a further
miscalculation. In the United States, a consistently tardy man is likely to be
considered undependable, and by our cultural clock this is a reasonable
conclusion. For you to judge a Latin American by your scale of time values is
to risk a major error.
Suppose you have waited forty-five minutes
and there is a man in his office, by some miracle alone in the room with you. Do
you now get down to business and stop "wasting time"?
If you are not forewarned by experience or a
friendly advisor, you may try to do this. And it would usually be a mistake.
For, in the American culture, discussion is a means to an end: the deal. You
try to make your point quickly, efficiently, neatly. If your purpose is to
arrange some major affairs, your instinct is probably to settle the major
issues first, leave the details for later, possibly for the technical people to
work out.
For the Latin American, the discussion is a
part of the spice of life. Just as he tends not to be overly concerned about
reserving you your specific segment of time, he tends not as rigidly to
separate business from non-business. He runs it all together and wants to make
something of a social event out of what you, in your .culture, regard as
strictly business.
The Latin American is not alone in this. The
Greek businessman, partly for the same and partly for different reasons, does
not lean toward the "hit-and-run" school of business behavior,
either. The Greek businessman adds to the social element, however, a feeling
about what length of discussion time constitutes go09 faith. In America, we show good faith by ignoring the details. "Let's agree on the main points.
The details will take care of themselves."
Not so the Greek. He signifies good will and
good faith by what may seem to you an interminable discussion which includes
every conceivable detail. Otherwise, you see, he cannot help but feel that the
other man might be trying to pull the wool over his eyes. Our habit, in what we
feel to be our relaxed and friendly way, of postponing details until later smacks
the Greek between the eyes as a maneuver to flank him. Even if you can somehow
convince him that this is not the case, the meeting must still go on a certain
indefinite-but, by our standards, long-time or he will feel disquieted.
The American desire to get down to business
and on with other things works to our disadvantage in other parts of the world,
too; and not only in business. The head of a large, successful Japanese firm
commented: "You Americans have a terrible weakness. We Japanese know about
it and exploit it every chance we get. You are impatient. We have learned that
if we just make you wait long enough, you'll agree to anything."
Whether this is literally true or not, the
Japanese executive singled out a trait of American culture which most of us
share and which, one may assume from the newspapers, the Russians have not
overlooked, either.
By acquaintance time we mean how long you must
know a man be fore you are willing to do business with him.
In the United States, if we know that a
salesman represents a well known, reputable company, and if we need his
product, he may walk away from the first meeting with an order in his pocket. A
few minutes conversation to decide matters of price, delivery, payment, model
of product-nothing more is involved. In Central America, local custom does not
permit a salesman to land in town, call on the customer and walk away with an
order, no matter how badly your prospect wants and needs your product. It is
traditional there that you must see your man at least three times before you can
discuss the nature of your business.
Does this mean that the South American
businessman does not recognize the merits of one product over another? Of
course it doesn't. It is just that the weight of tradition presses him to do
business within a circle of friends. If a product he needs is not available
within his circle, he does not go outside it so much as he enlarges the circle
itself to include a new friend who can supply the want. Apart from his
cultural need to "feel right" about a new relationship, there is the
logic of his business system. One of the realities of his life is that it is
dangerous to enter into business with someone over whom you have no more than
formal, legal "control." In the past decades, his legal system has
not always been as firm as ours and he has learned through experience that he
needs the sanctions implicit in the informal system of friendship.
Visiting time involves
the question of who sets the time for a visit. George Coelho, a social
psychologist from India, gives an illustrative case. A U.S. businessman received this invitation from an Indian businessman: "Won't you and your
family come and see us? Come any time." Several weeks later, the Indian
repeated the invitation in the same words. Each time the American replied that
he would certainly like to drop in-but he never did. The reason is obvious in
terms of our culture. Here "come any time" is just an expression of friendliness.
You are not really expected to show up unless your host proposes a specific
time. In India, on the contrary, the words are meant literally-that the host is
putting himself at the disposal of his guest and really expects him to come.
It is the essence of politeness to leave it to the guest to set a time at his
convenience. If the guest never comes, the Indian naturally assumes that he
does not want to come. Such a misunderstanding can lead to a serious rift between
men who are trying to do business with each other.
Time schedules present
Americans with another problem in many parts of the world. Without schedules,
deadlines, priorities, and timetables, we tend to feel that our country could
not run at all. Not only are they essential to getting work done, but they
also play an important role in the informal communication process. Deadlines
indicate priorities and priorities signal the relative importance of people
and the processes they control. These are all so much a part of our lives that
a day hardly passes without some reference to them. "I have to be there by
6: 30." "If I don't have these plans out by 5:00 they'll be useless." "I told J. B. I'd be finished by noon tomorrow and now he tells me to drop everything and get hot on the McDermott account. What do I do
now?"
In our system, there are severe penalties for
not completing work on time and important rewards for holding to schedules.
One's integrity and reputation are at stake.
You can imagine the fundamental conflicts
that arise when we attempt to do business with people who are just as strongly
oriented away from time schedules as we are toward them.
The Middle Eastern peoples are a case in
point. Not only is our idea of time schedules no part of Arab life but the mere
mention of a dead line to an' Arab is like waving a red flag in front of a bull.
In his culture, your emphasis on a deadline has the emotional effect on him
that his backing you into a corner and threatening you with a club would have on
you.
One effect of this conflict of unconscious
habit patterns is that hundreds of American-owned radio sets are lying on the
shelves of Arab radio repair shops, untouched. The Americans made the serious
cross-cultural error of asking to have the repair completed by a certain time.
How do you cope with this? How does the Arab
get another Arab to do anything? Every culture has its own ways of bringing
pressure to get results. The usual Arab way is one which Americans avoid as
"bad manners." It is needling.
An Arab businessman whose car broke down
explained it this way:
First, I go to the garage and tell the
mechanic what is wrong with my car. I wouldn't want to give him the idea that I
didn't know. After that, I leave the car and walk around the block. When I come
back to the garage, I ask him if he has started to work yet. On my way home
from lunch I stop in and ask him how things are going. When I go back to the
office I stop by again. In the evening, I return and peer over his shoulder for
a while. If I didn't keep this up, he'd be off working on someone else's car.
If you haven't been needled by an Arab, you
just haven't been needled.
A PLACE FOR
EVERYTHING
We say that there is a time and place for
everything, but compared to other countries and cultures we give very little
emphasis to place distinctions. Business is almost a universal value with us;
it can be discussed almost anywhere, except perhaps in church. One can even
talk business on the church steps going to and from the service. Politics is
only slightly more restricted in the places appropriate for its discussion.
In other
parts of the world, there are decided place restrictions on the discussion of
business and politics. The American who is not conscious of the unwritten laws
will offend if he abides by his own rather than by the local rules.
In India, you should not talk business when
visiting a man's home. If you do, you prejudice your chances of ever working
out a satisfactory business relationship.
In Latin America, although university
students take an active interest in politics, tradition decrees that a
politician should avoid political subjects when speaking on university
grounds. A Latin American politician commented to. anthropologist Allan
Holmberg that neither he nor his fellow politicians would have dared attempt a
political speech on the grounds of the University of San Marcos in Peru-as did Vice-President Nixon.
To complicate matters further, the student
body of San Marcos, anticipating the visit, had voted that Mr. Nixon would not
be welcome. The University Rector had issued no invitation, presumably because
he expected what did, in fact, happen.
As a final touch, Mr. Nixon's interpreter was
a man in full military uniform. In Latin American countries, some of which had
recently overthrown military dictators, the symbolism of the military uniform
could hardly contribute to a cordial atmosphere. Latin Americans need no
reminder that the United States is a great military power.
Mr. Nixon's efforts were planned in the best
traditions of our own culture; he hoped to improve relations through a direct,
frank, and face-to-face discussion with students-the future leaders of their
country. Unfortunately, this approach did not fit in at all with the culture
of the host country. Of course, elements hostile to the United States did their best to capitalize upon this cross-cultural misunderstanding.
However, even Latin Americans friendly to us, while admiring the Vice
President's courage, found themselfes acutely embarrassed by the behavior of
their people and ours in the ensuing difficulties.
BEING COMFORTABLE IN SPACE
Like time and place, differing ideas of space
hide traps for the uninformed. Without realizing it, almost any person raised
in the United States is likely to give an unintended snub to a Latin American
simply in the way we handle space relationships, particularly during conversations.
In North America, the "proper"
distance to stand when talking to another adult male you do not know well is
about two feet, at least in a formal business conversation. (Naturally at a
cocktail party, the distance shrinks, but anything under eight to ten inches is
likely to provoke an apology or an attempt to back up.)
To a Latin American, with his cultural
traditions and habits, a distance of two feet seems to him approximately what
five feet would to us. To him, we seem distant and cold. To us, he gives an
impression of pushiness.
As soon as a Latin American moves close
enough for him to feel comfortable, we feel uncomfortable and edge back. We
once observed a Conversation between a Latin and a North American which began
at one end of a forty-foot hall. At intervals we noticed them again, finally at
the other end of the hall. This rather amusing displacement had been
accomplished by an almost continual series of small backward steps on the part
of the American, trying unconsciously to reach a comfortable talking distance,
and an equal closing of the gap by the Latin American as he attempted to reach
his accustomed conversation space.
Americans in their offices in Latin America tend to keep their native acquaintances at our distance-not the Latin
American's distance-by taking up a position behind a desk or typewriter. The
barricade approach to communication is practiced even by old hands in Latin America who are completely unaware of its cultural significance. They know only that
they are comfortable without realizing that the distance and equipment
unconsciously make the Latin American uncomfortable.
HOW CLASS CHANNELS COMMUNICATION
We would be mistaken to regard the
communication patterns which we observe around the world as no more than a
miscellaneous collection of customs. The communication pattern of a given
society is part of its total culture pattern and can only be understood in that
context.
We cannot undertake here to relate many
examples of communication behavior to the underlying culture of the country.
For the businessman, it might be useful to mention the difficulties in the
relationship between social levels and the problem of information feedback from
lower to higher levels in industrial organizations abroad.
There is in Latin America a pattern of human
relations and unionmanagement relations quite different from that with which we
are familiar in the United States. Everett Hagen of MIT has noted the heavier
emphasis upon line authority and the lesser development of staff organizations
in Latin-American plants when compared with North American counterparts. To a
much greater extent than in the United States, the government becomes involved
in the handling of all kinds of labor problems.
These differences seem to be clearly
related to the culture and social organization of Latin America. We find there
that society has been much more rigidly stratified than it has with us. As a
corollary, we find a greater emphasis upon authority in family and the
community.
This emphasis upon status and class
distinction makes it very difficult for people of different status levels to
express themselves freely and frankly in discussion and argument. In the past,
the pattern has been for the man of lower status to express deference to his
superior in any face-to-face contact. This is so even when everyone knows that
the subordinate dislikes the superior. The culture of Latin America places a
great premium upon keeping personal relations harmonious on the surface.
In the United States, we feel that it is not
only desirable but natural to speak up to your superior, to tell the boss
exactly what you think, even when you disagree with him. Of course, we do not
always do this, but we think that we should, and we feel guilty if we fail to
speak our minds frankly. When workers in our factories first get elected to
local union office, they may find themselves quite self-conscious about
speaking up to the boss and arguing grievances. Many of them, however, quickly learn
to do it and enjoy the experience. American culture emphasizes the
thrashing-out of differences in face-to-face contacts. It de-emphasizes the
importance of status. As a result, we have built institutions for handling
industrial disputes on the basis of the local situation, and we rely on direct
discussion by the parties immediately involved.
In Latin America, where it is exceedingly
difficult for people to express their differences face-to-face and where status
differences and authority are much more strongly emphasized than here, the workers
tend to look to a third party-the government-to take care of their problems.
Though the workers have great difficulty in thrashing out their problems with management,
they find no difficulty in telling government representatives their problems.
And it is to their government that they look for an authority to settle their
grievances with management.
Status and class also decide whether business
will be done on an individual or a group basis.
In the United States, we are growing more and
more accustomed to working as members of large organizations. Despite this, we
still assume that there is no need to send a delegation to do a job that one
capable man might well handle.
In some other parts of the world, the
individual cannot expect to gain the respect necessary to accomplish this
purpose, no matter how capable he is, unless he brings along an appropriate
number of associates.
In the United States, we would rarely think
it necessary or proper to call on a customer in a group. He might well be
antagonized by the hard sell.
In Japan-as an example-the importance of the
occasion and of the man is measured by whom he takes along.
This practice goes far down in the
business and government hierarchies.
Even a university professor is likely to
bring one or two retainers along on academic business. Otherwise people might
think that he was a nobody and that his affairs were of little moment.
Even when a group is involved in the U.S., the head man is the spokes man and sets the tone. This is not always the case in Japan. Two young Japanese once requested an older American widely respected in Tokyo to accompany them so that they could "stand on his face." He was not expected
to enter into the negotiation; his function was simply to be present as an
indication that their intentions were serious.
ADJUSTMENT GOES BOTH WAYS
One need not have devoted his life to a study
of various cultures to see that none of them is static. All are constantly
changing and one element of change is the very fact that U.S. enterprise enters a foreign field. This is inevitable and may be constructive if we
know how to utilize our knowledge. The problem is for us to be aware of our
impact and to learn how to induce changes skillfully.
Rather than try to answer the general
question of how two cultures interact, we will consider the key problem of
personnel selection and development in two particular intercultural situations,
both in Latin cultures.
One U.S. company had totally different
experiences with "Smith" and "Jones" in the handling of its
labor relations. The local union leaders were bitterly hostile to Smith,
whereas they could not praise Jones enough. These were puzzling reactions to
higher management. Smith seemed a fair minded and understanding man; it was
difficult to fathom how anyone could be bitter against him. At the same time,
Jones did not appear to be currying favor by his generosity in giving away the
firm's assets. To management, he seemed to be just as firm a negotiator as
Smith.
The explanation was found in the two men's
communication characteristics. When the union leaders came in to negotiate
with Smith, he would let them state their case fully and freely-without
interruption, but also without comment. When they had finished, he would say,
"I'm sorry, We can't do it." He would follow this blunt statement
with a brief and entirely cogent explanation of his reasons for refusal. If the
union leaders persisted in their arguments, Smith would paraphrase his first
statement, calmly and succinctly. In either case, the discussion was over in a
few minutes. The union leaders would storm out of Smith's office complaining bitterly
about the cold and heartless man with whom they had to deal.
Jones handled the situation differently. His
final conclusion was the same as Smith's-but he would state it only after two
or three hours of discussion. Furthermore, Jones participated actively in these
discussions, questioning the union leaders for more information, relating the
case in question to previous cases, philosophizing about labor relations and
human rights and exchanging stories about work experience. When the discussion
came to an end, the union leaders would leave the office, commenting on how
warmhearted and understanding he was, and how confident they were that he would
help them when it was possible for him to do so, They actually seemed more
satisfied with a negative decision from Jones than they did with a hard-won
concession from Smith.
This was clearly a case where the personality
of Jones happened to match certain discernible requirements of the Latin
American culture. It was happenstance in this case that Jones worked out and
Smith did not, for by American standards both were top-flight men. Since a
talent for the kind of negotiation that the Latin American considers graceful
and acceptable can hardly be developed in a grown man (or perhaps even in a
young one), the basic problem is one of personnel selection in terms of the
culture where the candidate is to work.
The second case is more complicated because
it involves much deeper intercultural adjustments. The management of the parent
V.S. company concerned had learned-as have the directors of most large firms
with good-sized installations overseas-that one cannot afford to have all of
the top and middle-management positions manned by North Americans. It is
necessary to advance nationals up the overseas-management ladder as rapidly as
their abilities permit. So the nationals have to learn not only the technical
aspects of their jobs but also how to function at higher levels in the
organization.
Latin culture emphasizes authority in the
home, church, and community. Within the organization this produces a built-in
hesitancy about speaking up to one's superiors. The initiative, the acceptance
of responsibility which we value in our organizations had to be stimulated.
How could it be done?
We observed one management man who had done a
remarkable job of building up these very qualities in his general foremen and
foremen. To begin with, he stimulated informal contacts between himself and
these men through social events to which the men and their wives came. He saw
to it that his senior North American assistants and their wives were' also
present. Knowing the language, he mixed freely with all. At the plant, he
circulated about, dropped in not to inspect or check up, but to joke and to
break down the great barrier that existed in the local traditions between
authority and the subordinates.
Next, he developed a pattern of three-level
meetings. At the top, he himself, the superintendents, and the general foremen.
At the middle level, the superintendents, general foremen, and foremen. Then
the general foremen, foremen, and workers.
At the top level meeting, the American
management chief set the pattern of encouraging his subordinates to challenge
his own ideas, to come up with original thoughts. When his superintendents
(also North Americans) disagreed with him, he made it clear that they were to
state their objections fully. At first, the general foreman looked surprised
and uneasy. They noted, however, that the senior men who argued with the boss
were encouraged and praised. Timorously, with great hesitation, they began to
add their own suggestions. As time went on, they more and more accepted the new
convention and pitched in without inhibition.
The idea of challenging the boss with
constructive new ideas gradually filtered down to the second and third level
meetings. It took a lot of time and gentle handling, but .out of this approach
grew an extraordinary morale. The native general foremen and foremen developed
new pride in themselves, accepted new responsibilities, even reached out for
more. They began to work to improve their capacities and to look forward to
moving up in the hierarchy.
CUISINE, ETIQUETTE
& CULTURAL VALUES
Also, it is necessary to note that food is one of the most enjoyable ways to
experience another culture.
WHAT'S A
"STAPLE" FOOD?
Every
culture has staple foods. A staple food is a food that is rich in carbohydrates, that is eaten daily, and that is a primary
source of calories and life energy. Rice is the staple food of much of Asia: from China & Japan to Sri Lanka & India. For example, many Japanese eat rice
three times a day — with breakfast,
lunch and dinner. If there is no rice, diners feel dissatisfied: the meal
simply is not complete.
Cuisine and Etiquette in Zambia
In
traditional families, mothers eat together with the girls and the small boys.
Boys age seven and older eat with the father. This is because all of the
children below the age of seven live under the guidance of their mother and much learning takes place through daily activities in the
home. Ibis is changing, however, especially in towns and cities. The new trend1 is that all members of
the family eat together.
Before
eating, everybody washes hands in order of the status of the members of the
family: father first, then mother,
and the children follow according to their ages. If a visitor happens to have a
meal with the family, he or she is given the honor of washing first.
It is
rude to talk very much or loudly while eating. After eating, the family members
wash their hands again in the same
order. The wife and the young ones clear the table. Burping after a meal is a
traditional compliment, but it is not
quite so common nowadays.
Zambia's
staple food is maize (corn), and the inhabitants eat maize in several ways.
When the corn is new, it can be
roasted or boiled. When it is dry, it can be fried or boiled, either by itself
or mixed with beans or peanuts.
Sometimes maize is ground to a size a little bigger than rice and is cooked
like rice. Finally, we have the fine
cornmeal which is called mealie-meal in Zambia. This is used for making nsima, the
most popular way of cooking maize. Nsima
is steamed cornmeal.
Meat
from cows, goats, sheep, and fish are used in sauces over nsima. There
are also a lot of vegetables put in sauces, such as leaves from bean plants,
okra, peas and pumpkins. Other vegetables eaten almost daily include onions and tomatoe. Nsima is usually prepared for
lunch and dinner and not for breakfast. All the cooking is done by the wife.
Cuisine
& Etiquette in Uganda
In Uganda, the
staple food is matoke (a variety of semi-sweet bananas with green peels
used in cooking). Other food crops include sweet potatoes
or yams, white potatoes, beans, peas, peanuts, cabbage, onions, pumpkins, and tomatoes. Some fruits, such as
oranges, papayas, lemons, and pineapples, are also grown.
Most people, except for a
few who live in the city centers, produce their own food. The responsibility of
preparing the family's meals belongs solely
to the women and the girls in the family. Men and boys of age 12 and above are not even expected to sit in the kitchen,
which is separate from the main house.
Most
families eat two meals a day. The two meals are lunch and supper. Breakfast is
just a cup of tea or a bowl of porridge.
When a
meal is ready, all members of the household wash their hands and sit down on
floor mats. Hands have to be washed before and after the meal. At mealtime
everybody is welcome; visitors and neighbors who drop in are expected to join the family at a meal.
Food is
served by the women. "Sauce" — a stew with vegetables, beans, butter,
salt, and curry powder — is served to
each person on a plate. Sometimes fish or beef stew is served.
Normally
a short prayer is said before the family starts eating. During the meal,
children talk only when asked a question.
It is bad manners to reach for salt or a spoon. It is better to ask someone
sitting close to it to pass it. It is
also bad manners to leave the room while others are still eating. Everyone
respects the meal by staying seated until the meal is over. Leaning on the left
hand or stretching ones legs while at a meal is a sign of disrespect and is not
tolerated.
People
usually drink water at the end of the meal. It is considered odd to drink water
while eating.
When the meal is
finished, everyone in turn gives a compliment to the mother by saying,
"Thank you for preparing the
meal, madam." No dessert is served after the meal. Fruits like papaya,
pineapple, or sweet bananas are
normally eaten as a snack between meals.
Cuisine & Etiquette in Sierra Leone
In Sierra Leone, the staple food is rice. "If I haven't had my rice, I haven't really
eaten today," is a popular saying of
this people. They eat rice at least twice a day. Only women and girls prepare
the food.
If you visit a there friend,
he or she will almost always invite you to stay and eat. Sharing is an important part of life in Sierra Leone! Everyone washes their hands before they
eat, and then they gather in a circle
with a huge dish of food placed in the middle.
The
oldest males get the choicest food, the best pieces of meat or fish. Then the
young males take the next best pieces,
and then finally the women and girls get any meat or fish that is left.
Sometimes the women and girls wait until the men and boys have had all they
want before they eat.
Rice
is eaten with the hands by squeezing or rolling it into a ball, dipping it into
the sauce, and then popping it into
the mouth. When everyone finishes eating, they wash their hands and thank the
cook.
When
you are eating, you usually don't talk. Talking shows a lack of respect for the
food. It is rude to lean on your
left hand while you are eating. People usually drink water only after a meal is
over.
Many
ingredients go into sauces or stews to go with rice. The most popular sauces
are made of greens. Other common ingredients include
palm oil, onions, tomatoes, yams, and red peppers. Sometimes peanut oil or
coconut oil are used. Sources of protein that go into the sauces include
peanuts and beans, as well as fish, chicken,
goat meat, or pork. Seafood, such as oysters, lobster, and crab, may also be
used. Most of the calories, however,
come from rice, which is eaten in large quantities.
Fruits include oranges,
bananas, papayas, lemons, avocados, watermelon, mangoes, and pineapples. Fruit
is usually eaten as a snack. Plantains
(cooking bananas) are sometimes sliced and fried as chips for a snack. Tea and coffee are drunk in some parts of the country for breakfast.
Coke and beer are popular with people who can afford them.
PATTERNS
OF SPEECH
A
language is more than the sum of its words, its grammar, and the expressive
quality of its melody.
Language
=Words+ Grammar + Melody +
"?"
Every
cultural group has unique patterns of speech — patterns for doing things like
giving and responding to compliments, saying no, and forming business
relationships. And even the most elementary of speech acts — the greeting — is more complex than you might think!
THE
U.S.A
Many
visitors to the United States are perplexed every time an American flashes one
of those famous smiles, looks you
straight in the eye, exclaims "How are you?" —and then disappears
without waiting to hear a word. These visitors must feel like Alice in Wonderland,
trying to communicate with the White Rabbit. That's because they are taking the
question "How are you?" literally, as a request for information
about ones health and well-being. "How are you?" (when said in
passing or as part of an everyday greeting)
may be a question according to the rules of grammar, but in practice it is not
a question at all! It is a friendly
and polite greeting. No one expects to give or hear a long answer. A one or two
word answer will do. In
fact, it's considered rude to tell a long story.
When
Americans are not simply greeting you and truly want to know how you are, they
may put a small emphasis on the word
"are." How ARE you? Or, to make the message absolutely clear, they
might say "How ARE you,
REALLY?" Then you can tell a very long story indeed.
MOROCCO
In
Moroccan Arabic, people greet each other with the words "Salaam
Oo-allay-kum." Ibis greeting
means "Peace be with you." The response is "Oo-allay-kum
salaam" — "And with you peace." But the greeting does not end there! Greetings in Morocco may continue for many minutes - sometimes as long as half an hour — as people ask about each other's
health, faith in Allah, families, work, etc.
Moroccans
shake hands when greeting, touching the heart immediately after the handshake
to show that the greeting is
sincere. Sometimes instead of touching the heart, they will kiss their own hand
after the handshake as a sign of particular esteem or affection. In the case of
family members or close friends, women greeting women and men greeting men will kiss each other's cheeks
back and forth a few times. In the north, it's right cheek-left cheek-left
cheek. In other parts of the country, it could be right-left-right, or
right-left only. How many
times you kiss cheeks also depends on how much you like the person, or how long
it's been since you've seen them. The longer it's been, the more kisses are
exchanged.
4.CONTRAST
RUSSIAN’S STEREOTYPES
A
stereotype is a statement that simplifies human and social realities. For
example, a single quality is said to belong to every member of a group: "Men hate to
cook."
Prejudice
is to prejudge: to form an opinion, usually negative, about someone before you
know many facts. "Richard can't cook - he's a guy!" If you have seen
the film Shrek, about an ogre who falls in love with a princess, you may remember Shrek's lament — his sad complaint that
"They judge me before they even know me!"
Stereotypes
and prejudice are based on incomplete or faulty information. They get in the
way of knowing people as individuals and of understanding the world in a
complex and sophisticated way; they can offend & hurt people; and they can
lead to serious misunderstandings.
NINE
STATEMENTS ABOUT RUSSIA
The nine comments a non-Russian might make about Russians:
1. Russians are dreamers
and not doers.
2. Russians are not
materialistic. They consider other people more important than what you can buy.
3. Russians
value familiar faces and distrusts those they do not know.
4.
There is a right and a wrong way to do almost anything, and Russians will not
hesitate to tell you when you
are doing something wrong — or "nyekulturno."
5.
Russians don't think about the future — they don't plan far ahead. If they have
money today, they spend money
today.
6.
Russians are certain that they are right, they know everything & they have
all the answers.
7.
Russians are fatalistic — they feel nothing they can do will make a difference.
8.
Russians disapprove of people who are different or who break social conventions
(like Tattoo).
9.
Russians are "lazy" — if you don't tell them what to do and supervise
them carefully they will do as little as possible or nothing at all.
If we
can understand what lies behind the stereotypes, we are able to politely
challenge or correct others' misperceptions if we so choose. We all stereotype
others sometimes
For an
explanation of each of the nine notions, we shall learn some reasons that some
observers and scholars might give as to why Russians may appear to others the
way they do.
1.
As a general rule Americans are oriented towards doing. They measure their own
value, and that of others, by what & how much they do. Ideas are not valued
as highly as the practical application of ideas and results. Russians are more
oriented towards contemplating ideas and valuing ideas in and of themselves. A
Russian who attended an American/Russian conference described the different
ways each group would spend conference evenings. "The Russians would sit
all night drinking tea, discussing and reflecting upon the events and ideas of
the day, while the Americans would be dunking of what they had to do the next day and preparing for it."
2.
"It's better to have 100 friends than 100 rubles." Russians have very
close bonds with and depend upon a close
network of friends, family and familiar faces — people they know they can
trust. Government, banks, &
bureaucracies are not trusted or depended upon. Friends, however, can trust
each other and depend upon one other.
3.
Again, many Russians belong to close-knit groups of family & friends.
Within these groups, there is great trust
and a strong sense of closeness — however strangers and outsiders are not
immediately trusted and are kept at a greater social and emotional distance.
4.
Russian culture, more than many others, emphasizes clear cultural norms, rules
and scripts (what people should say). Many Russians expect others to conform to
these social or cultural rules and freely correct those who "stray." They may feel that they are being helpful and saving
others from future trouble or embarrassment
5.
Russians may believe that planning for the future and living for tomorrow is
sinful and contradicts Christian teachings. One Russian student quoted the
Bible as proof that this belief is sacred: "Now listen to me, you that say, 'today or tomorrow we will travel to a certain city,
where we will stay a year and go into business and make a lot of money.' You don't even know what your life
tomorrow will be! You are like a puff of smoke, which appears for a moment and
then disappears." Making the most of each day, living 'it to the fullest, and facing only the hardships
of the current day are valued.
Many
Russians appear to prefer a consensus on truth to a plurality of opinions or
truths. Some writers trace this
preference to the early Russian Empire - when Russia was "ruled by an
autocratic dynasty with a holy mission
to defend its faith against the barbarians of the East and the heresies and
pluralism of the West" "The pluralism of the West was seen by Russia as chaotic, without harmony, a disunity or thought and purpose." Historically, Russia has held to a vision of a single,
unifying truth — the truth as told by the Communist party and Communist ideology; or a Russian Orthodox vision of
an absolute truth with no room for conflicting opinions. Russian Orthodoxy, according to one writer,
was envisioned as "a fellowship uniting all souls under a single and
correct religious rite" actively agreed upon and shared by all. The
faithful were envisioned as members of one big family - just as the 15 Soviet
republics were envisioned as "sisters."
7. It
is a general Russian cultural belief that people cannot necessarily or easily
change things or influence events.
The goal is to be patient & persevere. Some writers say this may be because
of the physical hardships of
Russian life — from the long winters to shortages of goods.
8.
Again, Russians appear to prefer dear cultural norms and rules and to easily
judge and criticize those who break
them.
9.
Russian workers and Russian students appear to prefer detailed and precise
instructions from supervisors or
teachers. Decisions about what should be done, and how, appear to be made at
the top. Supervisors/teachers
appear to know best. People may prefer to follow clear directions from above
rather than risk errors or innovations that may harm their careers.
MIDDLE
EASTERN INTERVIEW RESPONSES
When your first arrived
in Russia, what stood out the most?
þ
The forests, the vast
number of green trees I saw from the airplane window.
þ
It was my dream to
study in Russia. It's a great country and there are many opportunities for
study. I love the writings of Gorky, and
through reading Gorky I got the impression that Russians are clever and
patient- it's a great country, as great as the US.
What stereotypes did
you hear about Russians before coming to Russia?
þ
People are poor. They
have to wait in line for bread.
þ
It's liked a military
zone, closed to most people.
þ
People are hospitable.
You can knock on your neighbor's door. There is brotherly love.
What stereotypes do
Russians have of your part of the world?
þ
Everyone is very rich.
There is lots of oil. (They don't differentiate among countries).
þ
Women wear veils.
þ
People ride camels.
þ
Men marry four or five
women.
þ
Everyone is Muslim.
(They don't know about other religions).
þ
They don't know our
history.
þ
Terrorists
þ
Not much knowledge,
they only know the name Arafat.
Russian perceptions of
Arabs/Southerners
þ
Southerners are called
"black." There is discrimination based on skin color. There are
unpleasant encounters on the street. Many international students have been
assaulted. Flats have been broken into. Almost everyone has been assaulted,
especially in bars, nightclubs, and discos. Students go out in groups for
safety in numbers.
þ
One student had two
brothers who came to Russia. One brother was beaten and had a severe head
injury. Another had a leg
broken.
þ
Some babushki yell
"Chechens go home!" One interviewee says that he doesn't pay
attention- he understands that they are old and he understands the
psychological reasons. Another says they have no right to say those things. We
are students here. We have come here for our education. We are spending money
and adding to the Russian economy. We are not troubling anyone.
þ
Overall crime rate is
high, but foreigners are particularly victimized. There is no police protection.
There seems to be no law. There are police document checks and bribes. There
has been a big change in the past ten years. Now there is more economic
disorder, corruption, violence, and crime.
Why
Questions
Why are women streetcar
drivers? Why do they do manual and construction work?
þ
Why are young Russians
rude to older people?
þ
Why don't young men
don't give up seats on the trolley bus for elders?
þ
Why do young people
sometimes yell or shout bad words at old women?
Your Perceptions of Russia and Russians Now
þ
The people are friendly
and sympathetic. Teachers are friendly and sympathetic. Sympathy is the key to
understanding.
þ
Russian women are very
beautiful. They are patient, they work hard, they are good housewives, they are
always loyal, and they dress nicely.
þ
There are a high number
of educated people, especially in the sciences. They are able to work under
difficult conditions. It's a
wonder. It's not about equipment. That's Russia's secret.
Major differences
between cultures
þ
Alcohol — many Muslims
do not drink.
þ
Families at home are
bigger —5-10 people
þ
In Russia, people don't know their neighbors' names. They don't greet each other on the street
and communicate.
þ
Clothes — women dress
more modestly than Russian women.
þ
Women don't smoke,
drink, or dress revealingly as they do in Russia.
þ
Families support each
other more. Brothers and sisters support each other. Russian families seem more
isolated and
individualistic.
þ
The divorce rate at
home is very low.
þ Men respect women more at home, there is not so much
domestic violence as in Russia.
5. AMERICAN’S VIEW OF
RUSSIANS
RUSSIAN’S VIEW OF
AMERICANS
AMERICAN INTERVIEW RESPONSES
When you first arrived
in Russia, what stood out the most?
þ
People are very thin.
þ
How many people actually
walk. There are lots of cars and good public transportation, but there are lots
of pedestrians too.
þ
How dirty the cities
are. I knew they would look a little run down, but there's more litter and
trash than at home.
þ
People don't smile.
þ
Russians are not
materialistic. They consider other people more important than what you can buy.
þ
To some degree, they are
less culturally aware. Russia was dosed off to the rest of the world and
Russians are not used to
seeing people of color.
þ
Men with machine guns
at the airport A woman with big, black poufy hair, a frilly white blouse, an
army-issue green mini-skirt, black stiletto heels, frosty pink lipstick and a
scowl It was like a scene from a John Waters movie.
þ
In 1978 I arrived in St. Petersburg from Sweden. It was like going from color to black and white. There were
shortages of food. It was drab;
it was dark. I came back in 1998. Ibis time I noticed a washed-out drabness.
People wore dark clothes, not much color. There were things to buy in the shops
this time, but somehow everything looked faded. The communist experience was unique. The whole world moved
on, and Russia was closed off. There are some good things and some bad things in this. It was like being dropped
off in the 1950s, when I was a child. There was still not much tourism, but the
attitudes of people changed. This first time it was less friendly, people spoke
less English, and there were millions of forms to fill out, scattered all over
the place. You had to be precise, because the authorities were hypervigilant.
þ
Crazy drivers
everywhere, incredibly long waits for trams and buses, no timetables for buses
and trams, people going out of
their way to help you find a destination
Stereotypes You Were
Aware of Before Coming to Russia
þ
Lines everywhere
(though I knew it was thing of the past)
þ
No freedom of speech
þ
Few products
þ
Pervasive presence of
Mafia
þ
Young people getting
rich very quickly
þ
Prostitution (from news
exposes about dark side of big city life)
þ
Prejudice against
people of Southern nationalities
þ
Russians drink vodka
þ
Russians are poor,
suffered a lot, are very serious, have bread tones
þ
Never smile
þ
Bureaucracy is infamous
þ
Churches with onion
domes, great literature
þ
Russian women dress up,
but it doesn't matter so much what men wear.
þ
Every woman is looking
to marry an American, there are mail order brides, women want to get out
þ
I remember bomb scares
in American during the 50s and 60s and hiding under desks. The Russians wanted
to come and
conquer the USA, we were told. They had the same message as us.
þ
Russians tend to be
paranoid.
þ
Russians don't think in
or about the future. Americans think about the future, but not the past or
present. Americans
pay for classes so they can learn to
live in the present! Russians don't plan so far ahead. If they have money
today, they
spend money today.
þ
Russians are quite rigid
about teachers being authoritative and strong disciplinarians.
Advice family &
friends gave you before you left home
þ
Don't drink tap water.
þ
Advice to women: be
prepared that girls here dress differently: Russians dress for fashion and
Americans for comfort
þ
Be careful, you can't
trust people there.
þ
Be careful. Russia is
not safe because of worries about war, bombings in Moscow, unrest, crime, civil
strife. General danger.
þ
Bring toilet paper and
jeans. You can sell your jeans.
þ
You need to have good
health insurance and be prepared to fly back to the US if you need treatment
Hospitals are bad and doctors aren't very good. In fact, doctors run the gamut
from very dedicated to indifferent.
Why questions
þ Why is shopping a three step process? It's so
inefficient. Maybe it prevents shoplifting.
þ
Why is only one person
doling out money?
þ
Why is only one door
open?
þ
Why is service so bad?
Is it because there is no tipping and so no motivation?
þ
Why can we sit in a
cafe all day without buying very much?
þ
Why do women wear such
high heels?
þ
Why do people crowd
others and cut in line?
þ
Why do shop attendants
go on so many breaks or just close down?
þ
Why are things so
unpredictable? Nothing is consistent.
þ
There are no schedules
at school. I arrive at school to teach and I'll be told "there is no
fourth grade today." Why can't
people tell me in advance?
þ
Why are restaurant
workers so indifferent or outright rude?
þ
Why do Russian women
think they need a man for anything technical or physical?
þ
Why must everyone sit at
a party?
þ
Why can't people put
bags on the floor?
þ
Why do men carry purses
(for women)?
þ
Who does everything
break so easily?
þ
Why does everything
need to be stamped?
þ
Why are there so many
forms?
þ
Why do women dress like
hookers (prostitutes)?
þ
Why do women wear
see-through trousers with thongs and stiletto heels?
þ
Why is everything so
dirty?
þ
Why do people spit and
blow their noses onto the street?
þ
Why are people so mean
to each other (at stores, yelling at customers)?
þ
Why do people push in
front of others?
þ
When a husband beats his
wife in public, why doesn't anyone do anything? Why are people so reluctant to
stop and help?
þ
Why are there no public
toilets even approaching American standards? Why do people accept such things?
þ
Why do toilets have no
seat covers? Is there a shortage? Can't they find them somewhere?
þ
Why do Russians drink so
much tea? Why don't they drink during meals?
þ
Why do Americans say
"excuse me1 when they bump into strangers and Russian don't?
þ
Why are Russians so
formal when you first meet them?
Things that frustrate
þ
People always on the
make
þ
Large injustices in
society, for example, why are teachers paid so little and then expected to buy
their own textbooks
þ
I'm annoyed at people
looking and making an instant judgment
þ
Russians are emotional,
prejudiced and xenophobic.
þ
The Russian sense of
personal space, especially in public sphere: people stand much closer, pressing
up against each
other, pushing
Why questions Russians asked you about
Americans
þ
Why do you want to come
to Russia? (most consistent question)
þ
Why are Americans fat?
Why do they all have cars? Why are they so loud?
þ
Why do Americans drink
so much water?
þ
How can you believe men
and women are equal when they are so different?
þ
Why don't Americans
lock their doors at night?
þ
Why do Americans smell
like soap? - What interviewee's mother taught him: "If your clothes smell
like you, they're dirty."
þ
Why do Americans smile
all the time?
þ
Why are Americans so
informal about everything?
þ
Why do Americans ask so
many questions?
þ
Why don't you speak
English correctly? It's your native language, isn't it?
Stereotypes Russians You Met Had of Americans
þ
Americans are rich.
"You can afford to pay that price, that's nothing for you at home!"
þ
Americans have cars —
are fat - are loud.
þ
Americans are rich,
noisy, lazy, and unworldly.
þ
Americans always smile.
þ
All American women hate
men.
þ
American women are
drab, dull and unfeminine.
þ
American women want to
do everything themselves.
þ
American women are
ambitious and individualistic.
þ
American women are not
afraid to speak their minds or confront authority.
How are Americans viewed?
þ
Russians are accepting
of American music, movies, and clothing but still have anti-American
sentiments. It's a kind of guilty pleasure - a sense they are letting
themselves, their roots, and their standards down. They accept American
cultural products while remaining
anti-American.
þ
They think we're rich;
even our poor, compared to their poor. Retirees on cruises set this stereotype,
with Russians misunderstanding that some people must save for a long time for
such a trip. Also, Russians on exchange programs stay with middle-class,
educated families. They don't see American ghettos.
How has living abroad
changed your original view or expectations about what life in Russia would be like?
þ
Some stereotypes were
borne out. People can be very rude in the public sphere— in restaurants,
airports, trains. On the other hand, if you're invited to people's homes you'll
find they're the most hospitable people you've ever met. I didn't expect warm
hospitality though I was prepared for inhospitality in the public sphere.
þ
I tend to try not to
have too many set expectations before I go to a different culture. Sure, I have
some, but part of the experience
is seeing what is there and seeing how you can adapt to these circumstances.
Gestures that are different, etc.
þ
I always speak with my
hands and show facial gestures. Most people here don't gesture much when they
speak. Ibis is true of facial
gestures too. My face always betrays my feelings.
þ
The Russian gesture for
being drunk.
þ
Helping women put their
coat on; other women can't do this.
þ
Men NEED to carry things
and pay. I met a male friend at a cafe, and he HAD to pay, to be a gentleman,
even though I know he doesn't earn a
lot of money. No Dutch treat.
þ
The weight of swear
words is stronger here than in the US. In the States I use obscenities every
day. Now that I'm here, I use
them maybe once a month.
þ
Banging the fist again
the palm
þ
Thumb between the
middle and index fingers
þ
Touching: there's more
same sex touching in Russia, women walking down the street arm in arm or
holding hands
þ
Shaking hands is not
common practice in Russia where it is automatic and unconscious behavior for
most Americans. (Said by a woman)
What are the most positive things that
happened to you in Russia?
þ
I met my wife and made
some very close friends from another culture. Human contact. You realize you
can make close friends and find similarities. I also improved my Russian.
þ
I had an opportunity to
live with a family and be included in family life- crises and arguments
included. I really experienced normal Russian life in more depth than many.
þ
Positive things:
meeting very friendly people/ hospitality and the nurturing manner of Russian
women. The sincerity I -have felt from the sympathy expressed by
Russians about the attacks in the U.S.
What is the worst thing that happened to you?
þ
The first week I was
living in my flat, and felt like a stranger in my landlady's home, my landlady
and her husband would share
nothing with me. I had to buy my own dish washing liquid and toilet paper. They
would not allow me to wash my own clothes and wanted to charge me 20 rubles per
shin. (While this may not be typical, this incident it is a true story.)
þ
In St Petersburg, I got
ripped off. 60 or 70 dollars in a money exchange on the street It can happen
anywhere, though, and it didn't
change my feelings; but there are nasty rip-offs in St Petersburg and Moscow.
þ
Negative things:
indifference to issues of lateness and when things don't work or something goes
wrong. How things tend to be more black / white or how things are taken more
literally. How certain some Russians are about certain issues.
If you were to compare Russian and American
culture, what are some of the broad distinctions you might draw?
þ
Economics. In the US everything is about money. Sometimes Russians are very concerned about money and talk
about money because it's a necessity. They have no qualms about asking how much
money you make. That's a taboo question in the States.
þ
Russians are more
traditional, especially the way women want to be treated by men. Feminism
doesn't seem to exist. (Said
by a man)
þ
Russians drink more.
There are few laws about drinking in public. You can drink beer in public but
not vodka. It's strange, in the
springtime, to be the only sober person walking down the street.
þ
Russians are less
tolerant of racial differences and of sexual orientation. Russian men are very
homophobic.
þ
There is no one word or
phrase for "cultural identity," vanity, or privacy in Russian language;
you would have to explain your
intention in order to be understood.
Can you describe some situations/incidents in
which cultural expectations caused a misunderstanding?
þ
American men are not
expected to be as attentive as Russian men. Men pour drinks for women, carry
packages for women, etc.
þ
If I'm silent, people
see me as standoffish.
þ
Americans separate
business and pleasure
By living in Russia, have you learned anything new about yourself and your native culture?
þ
I learned a lot of about
myself as an American. There are some things I feel proud about. I stopped
taking things for granted, things I would have demanded in the past.
þ
I value independence
and self-reliance.
þ
I notice consumerism in
the US more. Everything is packaged, everything is for sale. There's more media
and advertising everywhere. People need things NOW: fast food, quick and
efficient customer service.
þ
Shallow, superficial
friendliness and customer service. But I like it anyway! Maybe it's not so
shallow. Maybe it says something
about egalitarianism.
þ
The number of trashcans
and the amount of waste produced in the US. In Russia there's no place to put
trash and there are lots of
wrappers and litter on the streets. In America there ate lots of receptacles
because we produce lots of waste -packaging,
wrappers, etc. We even sell special 10-gallon trash bags!
þ
The main thing I
noticed and was overwhelmed by was by the amount of choice in everything- it
was great but too much to handle
sometimes, whether I was shopping or trying to decide what to eat in a
restaurant.
þ
I can live in an arctic
climate but I'm still not a fan of long winters.
þ Americans value individualism and the right to speak
their minds freely
þ Some Americans can be as ethnocentric as some Russians
can be and more concerned with events at home, but what culture isn't?
RUSSIAN
INTERVIEW RESPONSES
When you first arrived in the USA, what stood out?
þ
The traffic system is
orderly and well organized. Drivers are polite and stop for pedestrians.
þ
How Americans are
relaxed, they have a relaxed posture, free behavior, a relaxed way of dressing,
usually sports clothes
þ
Aged parents very seldom
live with their grown children and prefer living alone or moving to a nursing
home
þ
Americans prefer to
live in suburbs in their own houses and thus a car play a very important role
in one's life and there might be several cars in the family
þ
They use computers a
lot in everyday life
Stereotypes of Americans You Were Aware Of
þ
Pragmatic
þ
Rich
þ
Overweight
þ
Always smile
þ
Body conscious and fond
of healthy life styles
þ
American women are too
independent
How do you think
Americans viewed Russian culture, in general terms?
þ
As far as I remember,
everyone I met was very friendly, considerate and helpful and eager to get to
know Russians better and
learn more about our culture.
Advice friends or
family members gave you
þ
To find some things
they wanted
þ
To set up an aim you
want to achieve in this country and to do it. For example, to visit all the
museums.
þ
Try to make new friends
and make the most of your stay
þ
My mother told me to try
every kind of food I can
Why questions you asked
þ
Why do Americans love
their cars so much?
þ
Why do they never dress
up?
þ
Why do they mingle at
parties? Why do they invite so many people?
þ
Why do they leave their
nests? Why do they so often change cities?
þ
Why are university
professors so informally dressed in class?
þ
Why do children prefer
to live separately from parents when they complete high school and almost never
come back to
live with the parents again?
Why questions others
asked you
þ
Why do Russians stay at
one place (at a table) at a party?
þ
Why do Russians have
more long lasting friendships?
þ
Why do you prefer
jeanswear: is it because you like American style clothing or do you find this
kind of clothing more comfortable?
þ
Do people in Russia know foreign languages?
Stereotypes of Russians
You Discovered
þ
Russians are poor.
þ
Russians dance very
well. They like to dance.
þ
There is Mafia in Russia.
þ
Russian women do a lot
of work at home.
þ
Russians don't know how
to work.
þ
Russian women do too
much work for the family. They do not respect themselves.
þ
Russians are strong and
hard working.
þ
The new generation will
change the country.
þ
Russians don't know
foreign languages.
þ
Starving and wearing
shabby clothing
þ
Russians don't smile on
the street.
þ
One young American guy
mentioned he wouldn't be interested in meeting a Russian woman because Russian
women are
hairy and don't shave.
þ
There are few cars in Russia.
þ
All women are
prostitutes because that's the only way to earn a living.
How has your experience changed your original
view or expectations?
I don't
think Americans are rich. They get more money but they economize and spend more
rationally.
If you were to compare Russian and American
culture, what are some of the broad distinctions you might draw?
þ
Russian culture belongs
to the eastern type and American to the western type.
þ
Americans are more
matter-of-fact and business-like; they are more active; they are not afraid of
making severe life changes.
Can you describe some situations/incidents in
which cultural expectations caused a misunderstanding?
þ
When you are in Russia, invited to someone's home, you are asked to have tea or some food. In America this does not happen in every house.
What things stood out the most or what things
did you most notice about Russia when you returned home?
þ
The one thing that
pleased me is that my family was so glad to see me.
þ
People not smiling. Not
helpful.
þ
Gloomy people on the
streets; impolite shop assistants; dirty public places; no adaptation of public
places for disabled
þ
People are less polite;
there is garbage everywhere; there are no non-smoking areas
By visiting the USA, have you learned
anything new about yourself and your native culture?
þ
Russians are hospitable,
collective. They discuss things in groups before making decisions. They are
always ready to share.
þ
Russians are more
family oriented.
þ I learned that I should not feel inferior to other
people because of being physically disabled.
þ Being in the US I am conscious of being Russian and proud
of it. I don't that I stand out in American culture and most Americans can't say I am from a different country unless
I tell them, but somehow I always "feel" Russian and tell people I am
from Russia with a sense of pride.
CONCLUSION
Let's sum up everything considered above.
Now there is a problem of misunderstanding
among people of the different countries. This misunderstanding is shown owing
to different attitudes to life, to business, to family, to fellow workers. Also because
of ignorance of traditions, customs, etiquette
of other countries.
Excellent knowledge of foreign language is
not a guarantee of successful cooperation of firms or pleasant dialogue of
people from different continents. To know language is only half-affair. The
most important is to understand priorities of other people, to try to look at
the world by their eyes.
If the country is more advanced in economic,
political, social spheres, it gives more attention to studying other cultures
for successful cooperation (for example, the USA, Japan).
It is important to note, that the closer
cultures to each other, the fewer problems arise at their interaction. If
cultures are opposite, then the essence of intercultural dialogue is reduced to
understanding of different values.
For greater success in relations
between the countries it is necessary to take into account all these features.
LITERATURE:
1.
«Communication and
Culture» / Alfred G. Smith // Hold, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., the United States of America,1966
2.
«Crossing Cultural
Borders - Russia» / Julie E. Zdanoski // Petrozavodsk, 2003
3.
«Culture Learning: The
Fifth Dimension in the Language Classroom» / Louise Damen
4.
«Culture Matters. How
Values Shape Human Progress» / Lawrence E. Harrison, Samuel P. Huntington //
Basic Books, A Member of the Perseus Books Group, the United States of America, 2000
APPENDIX
A CULTURAL MODEL OF
INTERACTION
When a person from a
national society with hierarchical tendencies encounters
a person from a society with egalitarian tendencies, and moreover when the country of the latter is generally
"high" in the estimation of the former, the idealized paradigm
as shown in Figure 1 would be approximated. In this diagram, X, the person from
a country with egalitarian views, behaves toward Y, the person from a
hierarchically oriented country, as if he
occupied the same "level"; that is, in equalitarian terms.
Figure
1.
TABLE 1. SOME IMPLICIT CULTURAL ASSUMPTIONS
North American
(USA)
Personal control of the
environment
Change inevitable and
desirable
Equality of opportunity
Individualism
Future orientation
Action orientation
Directness and openness
Practicality; pragmatic;
rational
Problem-solving
orientation
Cause-and-effect logic
Informality
Competition
DO-it-yourself approach to
life
Contrast American
Nature dominating man
Unchanging; traditional
Class structure dominant; hierarchical Interdependence
but individuality
Present or past orientation
Being orientation
Suggestive; consensus-seeking; group orientation
Feeling orientation; philosophical
Inactive; enduring; seeking help from others Knowing
Formality
Group progress
Intermediaries
TABLE 2 VALUE ASSUMPTIONS OF EAST AND WEST: JAPAN AND THE UNATED STATES
Values concerning
1. Nature and Culture vertically
(octopus pot)(draws in)
(outside/inside)
2. Interpersonal Relationships
Unated States
Heterogeneity; horizontal society guilt sasara
(bamboo wisk)
Doing
Pusning
Omote predominates
Independence; I/you clash symmetrical relationships informality
Achieved status
Japan
Homogeneity; shame takotsubo
Being
Pulling
Omote/ura
We over I; amae complementary
Ascribed status